The country to which Queen Elizabeth gave the name “Virginia,” upon the return of Raleigh’s reconnoitering captains in September, 1584, with their flattering report, comprehended vaguely the whole of the seaboard of North America above Florida to a point toward Newfoundland, and inland indefinitely. In the following Spring Raleigh’s first company of intended colonists were ready to depart for the fruitful region, the attractions of which Captains Amadas and Barlow had set forth so enchantingly.

This pioneer band comprised gentlemen of standing, experienced navigators, younger sons of noble houses or gentry seeking adventure, restless spirits with an eye for pelf, hardy sailors. Ralph Lane at the head as governor, was a sailor-soldier of merit, and when invited by Raleigh to this post was serving in Ireland. Captain Amadas, of the reconnoitering expedition, was Lane’s deputy, afterward designated “admiral of the country”—Virginia. Thomas Hariot, or Harriot, named as surveyor, and also to be the historian of the colony, had been Raleigh’s tutor: he became in after years distinguished 323as a mathematician and astronomer, and materially advanced the science of algebra. John White, to be the principal draughtsman, was a man of affairs as well as a painter of some note, and was later to become governor of Raleigh’s second colony and grandfather of the first English child born in North America—Virginia Dare; and in his drawings, with those of the artist Le Moine, of the Huguenot colony in Florida, 1562–1566 (afterward in London a “servant” of Raleigh’s), we have the first accurate knowledge of the North American Indian and of the natural history of the country. Sir Richard Grenville, a cousin of Raleigh’s, a British naval hero, was the general of the fleet assembled to carry the company out. Captain Thomas Cavendish, navigator and freebooter, soon to circumnavigate the globe, was commander of one of the ships. The two Indians, Wanchese and Manteo, whom Amadas and Barlow brought home with them, were joined to the company as guides.

The fleet comprised seven sail: the “Tiger,” admiral or flagship, of one hundred and forty tons; a “Flie-boat called the Roe-bucke, of the like burden”; the “Lyon,” one hundred tons, “or thereabouts”; the “Elizabeth,” fifty tons; the “Dorithie,” a small bark; and two small pinnaces. They weighed anchor and sailed out of Plymouth harbour on the ninth of April, 1585. The outward voyage was a leisurely one, with stops at Porto Rico, Hispaniola, and other places, and with seizures of Spanish prizes along the way, so that their destination at Wocokon and Roanoke Island was not reached till 324the end of June. Their sometimes exciting adventures on this passage are summarily related in the diary of one of the company, which Hakluyt gives with this unusually brief caption: “The voiage made by Sir Richard Greenvile for Sir Walter Ralegh to Virginia in the yeere 1585.”

The longest stop was made off Porto Rico, at the “Island of S. John de Porto Rico.” Here a temporary fort was erected close to the seaside, and backed by woods, and within it a pinnace was built from timber, some of which was cut three miles up the land and brought upon trucks to the fort, the few Spaniards on the island “not daring to make or offer resistance.” One day while they were at this work eight horsemen appeared out of the woods about a quarter of a mile back, and there halting, stood silently gazing upon them for half an hour; then, a company of ten of their men being started out in marching order, the horsemen disappeared in the woods. Another day a sail was seen afar off approaching their haven. Supposing her to be either a Spanish or a French warship, the “Tiger” was made ready and went out to meet her. As the strange craft was neared, however, she was discovered to be Captain Cavendish’s ship of their own fleet, which had been separated from them at sea in a storm. Thereat there was rejoicing instead of a fight, and the ships’ guns were discharged in mutual peaceful salutes. Again, on another day, a second and a larger band of horsemen appeared, and nearer the fort. Twenty footmen and two horsemen, the latter mounted on Spanish horses 325that had been seized, were sent against them. When the Englishmen were within hailing distance the Spaniards displayed a flag of truce, and made signs for a parley. Two from each side accordingly came together on the sands between the two lines. The Spanish representatives offered “very great salutations” to the English, but expostulated against the Englishmen’s coming and fortifying in their country. The English representatives assured them that their company were here only to furnish themselves with water, victuals, and other necessities of which they stood in need. They hoped the Spaniards would yield these to them “with faire and friendly meanes”; but if this were not done they were resolved to “practice force” and relieve themselves by the sword. At this the Spaniards, with “all courtesie and great favour,” expressed their readiness to render every assistance, and promised a supply of provisions. And so the parley ended graciously.

THE ARRIVAL OF THE ENGLISHMEN IN VIRGINIA.
From a drawing by John White, of Raleigh’s first colony, 1585.

The very next day the pinnace was finished and launched. Then the general, with his captains and gentlemen, marched up into the country to meet the Spaniards with the promised provisions. But the Spaniards came not. Whereupon the general fired the woods roundabout, and his party marched back to their fort. Later, the same day, they fired their fort and all embarked to sail the next morning on their course. In the meantime Ralph Lane, taking a Spanish frigate that they had captured, with a Spanish pilot, had made a successful venture with twenty of his men to “Roxo bay, on the southwest side of S. John,” after a cargo of 326salt. He threw up entrenchments about a salt hut here, and quietly loaded the frigate while “two or three troupes of [Spanish] horsemen” stood off and “gave him the looking,” but offered no resistance. When the fleet sailed from St. John most of the company were itching from the stings of swarms of “muskitos” which they had got on shore.

That night at sea they took a Spanish frigate whose crew had abandoned her upon sight of the fleet. Early next morning another was captured: this a more profitable prize, having a “good and riche freight and divers Spaniards of account in her.” The Spaniards were afterward ransomed “for good round summes” and were landed at St. John.

The next call was made at Hispaniola. Here there was much impressive exchange of courtesies between the Spaniards and their uninvited guests. The fleet anchored at Isabella on the first of June. Upon his arrival, apparently, the general entertained some local grandees on his ship. For on the third of June the “governor of Isabella and captaine of Port de Plata,” having heard that there were “many brave and gallant gentlemen” in the fleet, sent a “gentle commendation” to Sir Richard with a promise shortly to make him an official call. On the appointed day the governor appeared at the landing off which the fleet lay, accompanied by a “lustie Fryer” and twenty other Spaniards with their servants and Negroes. Thereupon Sir Richard and his chief men, “every man appointed and furnished in the best sort,”—in briefer phrase, wearing 327his best clothes,—took the shipboats and were rowed forth in fine feather to meet them. The reception was most cordial on both sides. The Spanish governor received the English general “very courteously,” while the Spanish gentlemen saluted the English gentlemen, and “their inferior sort did also salute our Souldiers and Sea men, liking our men and likewise their qualities.”

Then followed a sylvan banquet: “In the meane time while our English Generall and the Spanish Governour discussed betwixt them of divers matters, and of the state of the Countrey, the multitude of the Townes and people, and the commodities of the Iland, our men provided two banquetting houses covered with greene boughes, the one for the Gentlemen, the other for the servants, and a sumptuous banquet was brought in served by us all in plate, with the sound of trumpets, and consort of musicke, wherewith the Spaniards were delighted.” The feast ended, the Spaniards in their turn, in recompense of the English courtesies, provided a bull fight, or hunt, for them. “They caused a great heard of white buls, and kyne to be brought together from the mountaines, and appoynted for every Gentleman and Captaine that would ride, a horse ready sadled, and then singled out three of the best of them to be hunted by horsemen after their maner, so that the pastime grewe very pleasant for space of three houres, wherein all three of the beasts were killed, whereof one tooke the Sea and was slain with a musket.” After this brutal sport rare presents were exchanged. The next day 328the thrifty Englishmen “played the Marchants in bargaining with them by way of trucke and exchange of divers of their commodities, as horses, mares, kine, buls, goates, swine, sheepe, bull-hides, sugar, ginger, pearle, tobacco, and such like commodities of the Iland.”

On the seventh of June they departed, with great good will, from these Spaniards and Hispaniola. “But,” the diarist shrewdly observed, “the wiser sort doe impute this great shew of friendship and courtesie used towards us by the Spaniards rather to the force that wee were of, and the vigilancie and watchfulnesse that was amongst us, then [than] to any heartie good will or sure friendly intertainement: for doubtless if they had been stronger then wee, wee might have looked for no better courtesie at their handes then Master John Haukins received at Saint John de Ullua, or John Oxnam neere the streights of Dariene, and divers others of our Countreymen in other places.”

Resuming the voyage, short stops were made at some of the Bahama Islands, and on the twentieth of June they fell in with the mainland of Florida. On the twenty-third they were in great danger of wreck “on a beach called the Cape of Feare,” so first named by these voyagers. The next day they came to anchor in a harbour where they caught “in one tyde so much fish as would have yeelded us twentie pounds in London.” Here they made their first landing on the continent. Two days afterward they had arrived at Wocokon.

In entering the shallow harbour three days later the 329flagship struck aground and, according to the diarist, “sunk,” but she was not lost. On the third of July word of their arrival at Wocokon was sent by Manteo to king Wingina at Roanoke Island. And ultimately the company went up to Roanoke Island and began their settlement there.

Grenville remained with them for about two months and then returned with the ships to England, promising to come back with supplies by the next Easter. The month was spent mostly in explorations of the neighbouring waters and country; while one harsh and ill-judged act was committed by Sir Richard’s orders against the Indians, whom Amadas and Barlow had found so friendly and hospitable, which had evil results in fostering conspiracies against the new comers. The first exploration, with visits to Indian towns, was made in state soon after the arrival, and occupied eight days. Sir Richard, Master John Arundel, and “divers other gentlemen,” led in the “tilt-boat”; Governor Lane, Captain Cavendish, Heriot, and twenty others, followed in the “new pinnace,” which had been built at St. John; Captains Amadas and Clarke, with ten others, in one shipboat, and White, the artist, with Francis Broke in another. They crossed the southern part of Pamlico Sound to the mainland and discovered three Indian towns—Pomejok, Aquascogoc, and Secotan. On the next day Pomejok was visited; on the next, Aquascogoc, and two days after, Secotan, where they were well entertained. The next day was marked by the harsh act of large consequences. They had returned 330to Secotan and thence “one of our boates with the Admirall was sent to Aquasogok to demand a silver cup which one of the Savages had stolen from us, and not receiving it according to his promise, wee burnt and spoyled their corne, and Towne, all the people being fled.”

The fleet left Wocokon on the twenty-first of July for Hastorask, where they arrived and anchored on the twenty-seventh. Soon after, the courteous receiver of Amadas and Barlow on their first coming, King Wingina’s brother Granganimeo, came aboard the flagship with Manteo, and paid his respects to Sir Richard.

The colony being finally established at Roanoke Island, the ships weighed anchor on August the twenty-fifth and Grenville was off on his return to England. When less than a week at sea he came upon a fine Spanish ship of three hundred tons, and forthwith took her, with a rich cargo. In this performance a reckless show of bravery was made, Sir Richard boarding her “with a boate made with boards of chests, which fell asunder and sunke at the ship’s side, assoone as ever he and his men were out of it.” Afterward Sir Richard took charge of the prize and completed the voyage in her, arriving at Plymouth on the eighteenth of September. As was natural with this plunder, he was “courteously received by divers of his worshipfull friends.” The “Tiger,” of which he had lost sight in foul weather on the tenth, had previously arrived at Falmouth.

How fared the colony in “Virginia” after Sir Richard had left with the ships is told in Ralph Lane’s report to 331Raleigh: “An account of the particularities of the imployments of the English men left in Virginia by Sir Richard Greenevill under the charge of Master Ralph Lane Generall of the same, from the 17 of August 1585 until the 18 of June 1586 at which time they departed the Countrey: sent and directed to Sir Walter Ralegh.”

There were in all one hundred and eight men of the company remaining in the colony. They finished the building of a fort on Roanoke Island, which had apparently been begun before Grenville left; and set up their houses, presumably of logs, the best of these thatched with grasses. But their principal occupation was in exploration for discovery of the country about them. These expeditions were mainly by water and only in small boats, all the craft they had. One much used was a four-oared boat, which could carry not more than fifteen men with their trappings and provisions for seven days at the most. The largest apparently was the pinnace built at St. John, but she drew too deep water for the shallow sound about their settlement, and so could not be employed as readily as the smaller rowboats. Others were “wherries,” perhaps shipboats. With these slender facilities the extent of their explorations was surprising. Their discoveries were extended from Roanoke Island south, north, northwest, and west for considerable distances. Southward the farthest point reached was “Secotan,” or “Croatoan,” in the present county of Carteret at the southern end of Pamlico Sound, which they estimated to be eighty miles from Roanoke Island. To the northward they 332went one hundred and thirty miles to the “Chesepians,” so passing into the present Virginia. They penetrated into the Chesepian’s territory some fifteen miles from the shore, nearly reaching the Chesapeake Bay, below Norfolk. Northwestward they travelled one hundred and thirty miles to “Chawanook,” on the Chowan River, at a point just below the junction of the Meherrin and the Nottaway rivers. And westward they ascended the “River of Moratoc”—the Roanoke River—till they were distant one hundred and sixty miles from Roanoke Island.

On the voyage up the Chowan, Lane learned from a native monarch, “Menatonon,” king of the “province of Chawanook,” whom he had prisoner with him for two days, and described as, “for a savage, a very grave and wise man,” that by a canoe journey of three days, and overland four days to the northeast, he would come to a rich king’s country which lay upon the sea, whose place of greatest strength was an island in a deep bay. This pointed to Chesapeake Bay and Craney Island, in Hampton Roads, at the mouth of the Elizabeth River. Lane had early become satisfied that Roanoke Island, with its poor harbour and the dangerous coast, was not the fittest place for a settlement; and having Menatonon’s information he resolved “with himself” that, should the expected supplies from England come before the end of April, and with them more boats or more men to build boats in reasonable time, he would seek out this king’s stronghold; and if the country were as represented he would move the colony to that point. This 333project was thoroughly and judiciously planned, as appears in the outline of it that he gives in his report. He would have two expeditions starting from Roanoke Island. One should go out in a small bark and two pinnaces by sea northward to find the bay, sound the bar if there were any, and to ride in the bay about the island stronghold till the other should arrive. The other, led by himself, should comprise two hundred men, taking all the small boats he could have built, and should penetrate to the head of the “river of Chewanook” (the Chowan), and thence overland. He would have with him Indian guides whom Menatonon would provide: and that these guides would be selected from the best of Menatonon’s men he was assured, for he had cleverly retained the king’s “best beloved son,” "Skyko," as his prisoner or hostage. He would, too, have this young brave keep company with him “in a hand-locke with the rest, foote by foote all the voyage over-land.”

Thus, if he had been enabled to prosecute this venture to the finish Lane would have found Chesapeake Bay and Craney Island, and removing his colony thence, would have anticipated the settlement at Jamestown by about twenty years. But the relief from England did not come as expected, and in April Lane had a formidable Indian conspiracy against the life of the colony to meet.

King Wingina became an enemy of the colony and plotted to destroy it. His father, Ensenore, and his brother, Granganimeo, continued friendly, and stayed his hand for a while. But Granganimeo died not long 334after the arrival of the colony, and Ensenore died in April. Wingina, upon the death of Granganimeo, changed his name to “Pemisapan,” and Pemisapan he is afterward called in Lane’s report. The conspiracy was his conception, and was formed immediately upon Ensenore’s death. Wanchese, the companion of Manteo in the visit to England, was among the chief conspirators. But Manteo remained the Englishmen’s staunch and steadfast friend, and rendered them signal aid in times of their greatest perils.

Wingina’s cunning diplomacy was first exercised at the time of Lane’s ascension of the Moratoc (Roanoke) River. This exploration Lane deemed of large importance, the natives having reported “strange things” of the head of that river, and told of a wondrous mine thereabouts, producing a “marvellous mineral,” and a people skilled in refining ore. The river, they said, sprang in a violent stream out of a huge rock, which stood so near to the sea that in great storms the ocean’s waves were so beaten into the river that its fresh water for a certain space grew salt and brackish. In the opinion of Master Hariot, which Lane quoted, the head, from the savages’ description of the country, rose either “from the bay of Mexico or els from very neere unto the same, that openeth out into the South Sea [the Pacific].” The mine was of copper and famed for its richness among all the tribes of the region, those of the mainland as well as on the river’s banks. Such abundant store of the metal had the tribe dwelling nearest to it-the “Mangoaks”—that they beautified their houses with large 335plates of it. These stories moved Lane to a great effort to attain this promising point, for, as he observed, with a touch of humor or of pessimism, in the light of previous western enterprises of his countrymen, “the discovery of a good mine, or the passage to the South Sea, or some other way to it, and nothing els can bring this Countrey in request to be inhabited by our nation.”

Accordingly he planned his largest expedition to this end, comprising some forty men with two “double wherries.” The head of the river, he was told, was a thirty or forty days’ canoe voyage above the principal Indian town on its banks, which had the same name as it—Moratoc. Therefore he purposed to go up stream as far as the quantity of provisions he could carry would supply his company, and then obtain fresh provisions from the Moratocs or from the Mangoaks farther up. The expedition started out in March. They had proceeded only three days on their voyage from Menatonon’s dominions and had come to the Moratocs’ country, when they found that all the people had withdrawn and taken their whole stock of corn with them into the interior. Not a single savage could be seen in any of the towns or villages, nor a grain of corn be found. The voyagers were now a hundred and sixty miles from “home”—Roanoke Island—and with only two days’ victuals left. It was evident that they had been betrayed by some of their own Indians, and that the intent was to starve and so destroy them.

And so it proved. This was Pemisapan’s scheme. Lane had been obliged to take Pemisapan into his confidence, 336because he depended upon him for a guide to the Mangoaks, and the wily savage had secretly given the tribes word of his coming, with the declaration that his real purpose was to kill them all off. On the other hand, he had told Lane that the tribes had such intention toward the English, plotting their destruction, and had repeatedly urged him to go against them. He had told of a general assembly by Manatonon at Chawanook of all his “Weroances” and allies to the number of three thousand bows, to go against the English at Roanoke Island; and had declared that the Mangoaks, who were able to bring as many more fighting men to the enterprise, were in the same confederacy. And tr............