Upon the return of his first colonists Raleigh at once bent his superb energies to the formation of his second or New Colony. The failure of the first colonists instead of dismaying inspirited him to larger effort. Lane’s report and Hariot’s account of the excellencies of the country moved him to plan his New Colony on a broader scale. He would now plant in “Virginia” a prosperous English agricultural state. The new colonists should include families, men, women, and children, and a regular government should be established at the outset. In accord with Lane’s theory, Roanoke Island should be passed by and the New Colony be seated on Chesapeake Bay.

To these ends Raleigh sagaciously determined to admit a number of investors to share in the privileges of his patent, and under date of January seventh, 1587, he executed an instrument granting a charter to thirty-two persons for the new settlement. These were divided into two classes. Nineteen, comprising one class, were gentlemen or merchants of London who were to venture their money in the enterprise; thirteen, 352constituting the other class, were to venture their persons. The latter were to be known by the corporate name of “The Governour and Assistants of the Citie of Ralegh in Virginia,” and were described as “late of London gentlemen.” The former were styled “merchants of London and adventurers.” They were to be “free of the corporation, company, and society ... in the citie of Ralegh intended to be erected and builded,” and were to adventure “divers and sundry sums of money, merchandises and shipping, munition, victual, and other commodities” into “Virginia.” In consideration of their investment they were granted free trade in the new settlement and in any other settlement that Raleigh might make by future discovery in America; and were exempted from all duties on their commerce, rents, or subsidies. An appropriation was made to them of one hundred pounds, to be ventured in any way they should see fit, the profits to be applied in “Virginia” in “planting the Christian religion and advancing the same,” and for “the common utility and profit of the inhabitants thereof.” In this indenture Raleigh as the grantor was styled “Chief governour of Assamocomoc, alias Wingandacoa alias Virginia.” In the list of the nineteen investing “merchants” appears the name of Richard Hakluyt. At the head of the thirteen to be planters of the “citie of Ralegh” was John White, the artist and man-of-affairs of the “Old Colony,” as governor; and among these was his son-in-law Ananias Dare, who became the father of Virginia Dare.

353The company brought together to plant this colony numbered one hundred and fifty persons, of whom seventeen were women and nine were “boys and children.” They embarked on three ships in charge of Simon Ferdinando, and sailed from Portsmouth harbour on April the twenty-sixth, 1587.

The narrative of the outward voyage Hakluyt first published under the title, “The fourth voyage made to Virginia with three ships in the yere 1587. Wherein was transported the second Colonie.” The narrator early displayed a feeling of resentment against Ferdinando, which grew in warmth as the account proceeded; and this feeling seems to have been fully justified by the captain’s conduct. He was a Spaniard by birth, and it has been conjectured that he was acting in the interest of Spain. Another explanation of his strange course is found in his differences with White on the voyage. He unquestionably lied on more than one occasion; ruthlessly abandoned one of the ships of the fleet at sea and “grieved” at her reappearance with her passengers at the end of the voyage; nearly wrecked his ship off Cape Fear; and when Roanoke Island was reached refused to carry the colonists further, regardless of Raleigh’s positive directions to deliver them at Chesapeake Bay, stopping at Roanoke only long enough to take on, if found, the fifteen men left there by Grenville. He is said to have been twice before on the coast of Carolina as a pilot. He was with Captains Amadas and Barlow on their reconnoitering expedition, and his second voyage may have been with Grenville’s relief 354fleet. His name appeared among the twelve assistants to Governor White.

The narrative begins with the crispness of a diary.

"Our fleete being in number three saile, viz., the Admirall [the "Lion"] a ship of one hundred and twentie Tunnes, a Flie boate, and a Pinnesse, departed the sixe and twentieth of April from Portesmouth, and the same day came to an ancher at the Cowes in the Isle of Wight, where wee stayed eight dayes.

"The fift of May at nine of the clocke at night we came to Plimmouth, where we remained the space of two dayes.

"The 8 we weyed anker at Plimmouth and departed thence for Virginia.

"The 19 [June] we fell with Dominica, and the same evening we sayled betweene it and Guadalupe:

"The 21 the Fly-boat also fell with Dominica.

“The 22 we came to an anker at an Island called Santa Cruz, where all the planters were set on land, staying there till the 25 of the same moneth.”

At their first landing here a number of the company, men and women, ate freely of a “small fruit like green apples,” which they found in abundance, and soon were “fearfully troubled” with a burning in their mouths, and swelling of their tongues “so bigge that some of them could not speake.” The first night five great tortoise were caught, “some of them of such bignes that sixteene of our strongest men were tired with carying of one of them but from the seaside to our cabbins.” They sought a fit watering place, but found only a 355“standing ponde,” the water of which was so “evill” that many of the company fell sick from drinking it; while those who washed their faces with it in the morning before the sun had drawn off the corruption, suffered a burning sensation, and their faces became so swollen that their eyes were closed and they could not see in “five or sixe dayes, or longer.”

The next stopping place was “Cottea,” which was reached two days after leaving Santa Cruz, the pinnace arriving there before the admiral. Here they lay at anchor for a day and a night. Next they came to anchor at St. John’s, in “Musketos Bay.”

At this place three days were spent taking in fresh water, and “unprofitable,” since during their stay more “beere” was consumed than the “quantitie of the water came unto.” When they weighed anchor and were off again, two Irishmen of the company—"Darbie Glaven and Denice Carrell"—were left behind.

No more stops were permitted by Captain Ferdinando till they were off the coast of Florida. On the evening after the departure from Mosquito Bay they fell in with “Rosse Bay,” where Ferdinando had promised they should take in salt. White appointed “thirty shot, tenne pikes, and ten targets” to man the pinnace to go to the shore for this purpose, and they were about to start out when Ferdinando demurred. He was not sure, he now said, that this was really the place where the salt was to be obtained. Besides, if the pinnace should go she could not come back without peril till the next night. Meanwhile should a storm arise the 356admiral would be in danger of being cast away. While thus arguing, as the narrator avers, he had craftily got the ship into shoal water, and suddenly “dissembling great danger” he cried to the helmsman, “Bear up hard! Bear up hard!” So she went off, and they were “disappointed of salt by his meanes.” The next day, sailing along the west end of St. John, White desired to go ashore at “St. Germans Bay,” to gather young plants of oranges, lemons, plantans, and pines to set out in “Virginia.” These grew in plenty near the shore, as was well known to the governor and some of the other planters who had been with the first colony. But “our Simon” denied it, and refused to stop. He however promised to come to anchor at Hispaniola. There he would go ashore with the governor and other of the chief men, to see if he could speak with “his friend Alanson,”—the Spanish governor of Hispaniola,—by whom he hoped to be furnished with cattle, and all such things as they could have taken at St. John. The next day, the third of July, they came to Hispaniola. All that day they bore with the coast, and the next, and till noon of the following, but no preparation was made to land. When they had passed the place where “friend Alanson” dwelt, the governor demanded of the captain whether he intended to keep his promise. Whereupon Ferdinando coolly declared that it was to no purpose to touch at Hispaniola, for he had been told by Sir Walter Raleigh, who had it from the French ambassador, that the king of Spain had sent for Alanson to come to Spain: and Ferdinando really thought him dead.

357So the next day they sailed out of sight of Hispaniola, and “haled off for Virginia.” Coming to the “Island Caycos” Ferdinando told of two good salt ponds here. Accordingly a landing was made, and the better part of a day spent in roaming about this isle: some of the company seeking the salt ponds which they did not find; others fowling; others hunting swans, “whereof we caught many.” The next land sighted was the Carolina coast. On July sixteenth they fell with the “main of Virginia.” Ferdinando took it to be the island of Croatoan, and came to anchor. But after riding here for two or three days he found out his mistake. Then setting sail again he bore farther along the coast. The following night “had not Captaine Stafford bene more carefull in looking out than our Simon Ferdinando, we had bene all cast away upon the beach called the Cape of Feare, for we were come within two cables length of it: such was the carelesnes and ignorance of our Master.”

On the twenty-second of July the ships were safe arrived at Hastorask.

Immediately upon their arrival Governor White with forty of his best men went aboard the pinnace to pass up to Roanoke Island forthwith and seek the fifteen men left by Grenville. When they had been met, as he confidently expected they would be, and after a conference with them as to the state of affairs, he was to return, and the fleet were without further delay to sail up the coast to the Chesapeake Bay country. But as soon as the pinnace with his party had put off from the 358admiral Ferdinando caused one of his chief men to call out to her sailors not to bring the party back from Roanoke Island, but to leave them there, all except the governor, “and two or three such as he approved”: for the summer was far spent, and therefore Ferdinando would “land the planters in no other place.” Since it appeared that all the sailors both in the pinnace and on board the admiral were in agreement with Ferdinando’s decision, it “booted not the governour to contend with them.” Accordingly he proceeded to Roanoke and made preparations there for the temporary accommodation at least of his colonists.

The island was reached at sunset and White and his companions landed at the point where he understood that Grenville’s fifteen men had established themselves. Not one was found. But the discovery of the bones of one of them led the searchers to fear that all had perished at the hands of the Indians. The next morning White with several of his party walked up to the Old Colony’s plantation at the north end of the island, hoping there to find some trace of the missing men. The place was deserted. The fort had been razed, and its site was overgrown with vines. The “decent dwelling houses” of the colony yet stood, but they were open to the weather, and, like the site of the fort, overgrown with vines, and within them deer were feeding. With this melancholic spectacle the governor’s party returned “without hope of ever seeing any of the fifteene men living.”

Then the governor gave orders for the repairing of 359the houses on the deserted plantation and for the erection of new cottages; and when this work was well under way the colonists were all brought up here. On the twenty-fifth the fly-boat appeared in the road off Roanoke with all her passengers safe, to the joy of their fellow planters and the grief of Ferdinando. For when he had “purposely left them in the Bay of Portugal, and stole away from them in the night,” he had hoped that the master of the ship, Edward Spicer, “for that he had never bene in Virginia would hardly finde the place, or els being left in so dangerous a place as that was, by meanes of so many men of warre as at that time were abroad, they would surely be taken or slain.” Such is the record, but let us cherish the hope that the chronicler misinterpreted Ferdinando’s strange act, and that he was not guilty of so diabolical a scheme.

On the twenty-eighth, when the new colonists were probably settling themselves at Roanoke, one of the assistants, George Howe, was set upon and slain by a little band of Indians who had come over to the island either to spy upon the new comers, or to hunt deer, or both. He was alone at the time, and some distance from the plantation, wading in the water catching crabs with a forked stick. He was only half dressed and had no weapon, his gun perhaps having been left on the shore. The savages stealthily approached him from a hiding place among tall reeds, where deer were often found asleep, and killed by the Indian hunters. They sprang at his back and gave him sixteen wounds with 360their arrows, finally beating him to death with their wooden swords. The deed done, they “fled over the water to the main.” These savages belonged to the remnant of the dead Wingina’s—or Pemisapan’s—people, who were now dwelling on the mainland at Dasamonguepeuk.

The quest for traces of the fifteen men was continued while the work of setting up the plantation was going forward. On the last day of July Master Stafford and twenty men started off with Manteo for the island of Croatoan, where Manteo’s kindred dwelt, and where the Indians had been friendly with the Old Colony, hoping from them to get some definite news of the lost men. At the same time the new comers would renew “old friendships” and endeavour to ascertain the present attitude of the other tribes of the country, besides Pemisapan’s broken band, toward the English. Upon their landing at Croatoan the natives appeared on their guard, but when Manteo showed himself and called to them in their own language, they threw down their bows and arrows and made hospitable demonstrations. When told that the Englishmen were come to renew the “old love” with assurances of their desire to live with them only as “brethren and friends” they were greatly pleased, and invited the visitors “to walke up to their Towne”: which they did, and there were feasted. Then at a conference that followed, the fate of the fifteen men was revealed. They had been attacked by a band from Pemisapan’s former confederates and driven from Roanoke Island, and all had disappeared, 361most of them killed, the others probably drowned. As the Croatoans told it the story thus ran.

Eleven of the fifteen were at Roanoke when the attack was made: the remaining four were off in a creek gathering oysters. The attacking band, composed of thirty savages, crept to the island and hid themselves behind trees, which were thick near the houses where the Englishmen were living carelessly. Two of the band first approached the houses as if alone, and apparently unarmed, and with friendly signs called for two of the Englishmen to come out without their arms and speak with them. The Englishmen unsuspiciously acquiesced. When the four met and one of the Indians was embracing one of the Englishmen, the other Indian drew his wooden sword from beneath his mantle, and slew this Englishman. His companion fled toward the houses while the remainder of the band sprang from their hiding places and pursued him with a flight of arrows. The little body of Englishmen crowded into the house where all their weapons and their provisions were, and prepared for a stubborn defence. Presently, however, the savages set the house afire, and they were driven into the open with what weapons they could catch up. A skirmish followed and continued for above an hour, in which the Indians had the advantage through their nimbleness in dodging behind trees. At length the surviving Englishmen backed fighting to the waterside where their boat lay. Taking to the boat they fled toward Hastorask, on the way picking up the four who had been absent on the oyster trip. All landed on a 362small island near Hatteras. Here they were able to remain only for a little while. Their departure from this place was the last heard of them. It was supposed that in making their escape they were drowned.

As to the disposition of the natives in the other towns nothing decisive was obtained. It was therefore agreed at this conference that the Croatoans should undertake to convey a message to those that had before come into Pemisapan’s confederation, and bring back to Roanoke either their chief “governours” or their answer to the English governor within seven days. Those towns were to be told that if they would accept the friendship of the new colonists all past unfriendly dealings on both sides, the Indian and the English, would be forgiven and forgotten. All their business being despatched, Master Stafford and his party departed the same day and returned to Roanoke to await the outcome of these negotiations.

When the seven days had passed and no tidings had come from the men of Croatoan on their mission of peace, the governor now determined to avenge the killing of George Howe and the driving off of Grenville’s men by moving upon the remnant of Pemisapan’s men at Dasamonguepeuk. So with Captain Stafford, and a force of twenty-four men, one of them Manteo as guide, he set out on this expedition at midnight of the eighth of August. The party crossed to the mainland and landed early the next morning, while it was yet dark, near the enemy’s dwelling place. Silently passing through a stretch of woods they came to a point where they had the 363Indians’ houses between them and the water. Then—"having espied their fire and some sitting about it, we presently set on them: the miserable soules herewith amazed, fled into a place of thicke reedes, growing fast by, where our men perceiving them, shot one of them through the bodie with a bullet; and therewith we entred the reedes, among which we hoped to acquite their evill doing towards us": when it was discovered that a sad mistake had been made. For “those Savages were our friends, and were come from Croatoan to gather the corne & fruit of that place, because they understood our enemies were fled immediately after they had slain George Howe, and for haste had left all their corne, Tobacco, and Pompions standing in such sort, that al had bene devoured of the birds, and Deere, if it had not bene gathered in time: but they had like to have payd deerely for it: for it was so darke, that they being naked, and their men and women apparelled all so like others, wee knew not but that they were all men: and if that one of them, a Wiroance’s [chief man’s] wife, had not had a child at her backe, shee had been slain in stead of a man; and as hap was another Savage knew master Stafford, and ran to him, calling him by his name, whereby he was saved.” The Englishmen did what they could in reparation of their blunder. They gathered all the corn and other crops found ripe, leaving the rest unspoiled, and took the chief man’s wife and child and others of the savages back to Roanoke with them. Although Manteo was grieved at this mishap to his own people, he imputed their harm to their own 364folly, saying to them that if their Wiroances had kept their promise and come to the governor and reported at the time appointed they had not suffered such mischance.

A few days after the return from this expedition,—on the thirteenth of August,—the unique ceremony of christening the savage Manteo and investing him with the title of “Lord of Roanoke” was performed before the assembled colonists. This was done by order of Raleigh before the colonists left England, and was in reward of his faithful service. On the eighteenth was recorded the birth of a daughter “to Elenor, daughter to the Governour, and wife to Ananias Dare, one of the Assistants,” and on the Sunday following, the christening of the infant: “and because this child was the first Christian borne in Virginia, she was named Virginia.” Afterward—the date is not given—a child was born to the wife of Dyonis Harvie: the second white child born in the colony.

By about the third week in August the ships had unladen the goods and victuals of the planters and begun to take in wood and fresh water, and the workmen had started newly to calk and trim them for the return voyage to England; while the planters were preparing their home letters and “tokens” to go back on them. They were ready to depart on the twenty-first, when a violent tempest broke from the northeast. The “Lion,” then riding out of the harbour, was forced to cut her cables and put to sea. The planters feared that she had been cast away, the more so because at the time 365that the storm struck her the most and the best of her sailors were ashore. She, however, lay outside beating off and on for six days, and with clearing weather, on the morning of the twenty-seventh, she reappeared without the bar, and was riding beside the fly-boat, both again ready for the departure.

In the meantime some controversies had arisen between the governor and the assistants over the selection of two of their number to return with the ships as factors for the company to their associates in London. For none desired to go. After much persuading by the governor, Christopher Cooper agreed to be one of the two. But the next day, through the persuasions of “divers of his familiar friends,” he changed his mind, and withdrew his acceptance. Thereupon the whole company with “one voice” requested the governor himself to go. He, it was argued, could better and sooner than any other obtain the supplies and necessaries for the comfort and development of the colony. But he refused. He could not so soon return he declared, leaving behind so many whom he “partly had procured through his p............