Less than a fortnight after the departure of Martin Frobisher on his third and last Northwestern voyage, in May, 1578, Humphrey Gilbert had obtained the letters-patent which he had long coveted from Queen Elizabeth for the “inhabiting and planting of our people in America”; and before the summer was far advanced he had organized an expedition of his own with these objects.
This pioneer charter providing definitely for English colonization in America bore date of eleventh of June 1578, and was limited to six years. The full text is given in the Principal Navigations. It conferred upon Sir Humphrey, his heirs and assigns, large powers, and provided the machinery necessary for the government of a colony. It gave him and them free liberty and license to “discover, finde, search out, and view such remote, heathen and barbarous countreys and territories not actually possessed by any Christian prince or people,” and to have, hold, occupy, and enjoy such regions with all their “commodities, jurisdictions, and royalties 286both by sea and land,” the single condition being that one-fifth part of the gold and silver ore that might be obtained be paid over to the queen. They were empowered to “encounter, expulse, repell, and resist as well by Sea as by land” all persons attempting to inhabit without their special license in or within two hundred leagues of the places occupied by them. They were to have a monopoly of the commerce of such places, no vessels being permitted to enter their harbours for traffic except by their license. The rights of Englishmen were promised to all people who might become members of the colony.
Associated with Sir Humphrey in his enterprise under this charter were “many gentlemen of good estimation,” while his right hand in all the work of preparation was his notable half-brother, Walter Raleigh. By autumn was assured the assemblage of a “puissant fleet able to encounter a king’s power by sea.” There were eleven sail in all in readiness, and a volunteer company of four hundred men, gentlemen, men-at-arms, and sailors, collected for the venture. In the mean time, however, the enterprise had been diverted from its apparent original object to a secret assault upon the West Indies, with possibly an after attempt at colonization on the southern coast of North America, while the preparations had been hampered by divided councils and dissensions among the captains. The breaches in the organization had the more serious effect, for when the time for sailing had come the greater number of the intended voyagers had dispersed, and Sir Humphrey 287was left with only a few assured friends. Nevertheless, with his fleet reduced to seven ships and his company to one hundred and fifty men, he set off from the Devon coast, as agreed, on the twenty-first of September. But the ships had barely got to sea when they were driven back to port by hard weather. A second start was made on the eighteenth of November. Of the course and of the details of this voyage nothing satisfactory is recorded; and the fragmentary accounts are contradictory. All that appears to be clearly known is that, after an absence of several months, the fleet in part returned to Plymouth, Gilbert arriving first, and Raleigh with his ship last, in May, 1579; and that there had been encounters at sea with the Spaniards in which one of the chief vessels was lost, and also one of the leaders in the expedition, Miles Morgan, “a valiant gentleman.”
In this venture Sir Humphrey had so heavily invested that his personal estate was impaired. But its failure so little disheartened him that he at once began planning another one, this one directly for colonization. Meanwhile, in the summer immediately following his return he served with his ships on the Irish coast. After a year or two, still being without means to perfect his scheme, he gave assignments from his patent to sundry persons desiring the privilege of his grant to plant in the north parts of America “about the river of Canada,” his hope being that their success would further his scheme which was then to colonize southward. Time, however, went on without anything being done 288by his assigns, and the six years’ limit of his charter was nearing. Consequently if the patent were to be kept in force action was imperative.
At this juncture (in 1583) he was successful in effecting a new organization. Raleigh was again in close hand with him; but the chief adventurer was Sir George Peckham, who had been an associate with Sir Richard Grenville and others in support of a second petition of Gilbert’s to the queen in 1574, for a charter to discover “riche and unknowen landes.” A good deal of time was spent by the projectors in debating the best course to adopt,—whether to begin the intended discovery of a fit place to colonize from the south northward or from the north southward. Finally it was decided that the voyagers should take the north course and follow as directly as they might the “trade way unto Newfoundland,” whence, after their “refreshing and reparation of wants,” they should proceed southward, “not omitting any river or bay which in all that large tract of land” appeared to their view worthy of search.
This programme arranged, five ships were assembled and made ready for the voyage. These were the “Delight, alias the George,” of one hundred and twenty tons, the “Bark Raleigh,” two hundred tons, the “Golden Hind,” forty tons, the “Swallow,” forty tons, and the “Squirrel,” ten tons. The “Delight” was designated “admiral” of the fleet to carry Sir Humphrey as general. The “Raleigh,” the largest vessel in the squadron, was to be “vice-admiral,” and the “Golden Hind” "rear admiral." The “Raleigh” had 289been built and manned at the expense of Raleigh, but he did not personally join the expedition, the queen refusing to give her permission for him to go out with it. The company brought together numbered in all two hundred and sixty men of all sorts and condition. Among them were shipwrights, masons, carpenters, smiths; a “mineral man” and refiner; gentlemen, adventurers, and sea-rovers. For entertainment of the company and for allurement of the savages who might be met, “musick in good variety,” and toys, as “Morris dancers, Hobby horses, and Mayfair conceits,” were provided. Also a stock of petty haberdashery wares was put in to barter with “those simple people.”
The account of this voyage which Hakluyt gives was the official one, prepared by Edward Hayes, the captain, and also owner of the “Golden Hind,” which alone of the fleet completed it and returned to Plymouth with its tragic story. His narrative appears in the Principal Navigations under this much-embracing title: “A Report of the Voyage and successe thereof, attempted in the yeere of our Lord 1583 by Sir Humfrey Gilbert knight, with other gentlemen assisting him in that action, intended to discover and to plant Christian inhabitants in place convenient, upon those large and ample countreys extended Northward from the Cape of Florida, lying under very temperate Climes esteemed fertile and rich in Minerals, yet not in actual possession of any Christian prince, written by M. Edward Haie gentleman, and principall actour in the same voyage, who alone continued unto the end, and by Gods speciall 290assistance returned safe and sound.” To Captain Hayes we are also indebted for some particulars of Sir Humphrey’s efforts that culminated in his first abortive voyage of 1578–1579, which are detailed by way of preface to his story of this voyage.
The start was auspiciously made from Plymouth harbour on the eleventh of June, 1583, Gilbert wearing on his breast the queen’s gift of an emblematical jewel,—a pearl-tipped golden anchor guarded by a woman,—sent him on the eve of the departure as a token of her good wishes for his venture. But when only the third night out, with a prosperous wind, consternation was occasioned by the desertion of the “Raleigh.” Earlier in the evening she had signified that her captain and many of her men had fallen sick; then later, with no further communication, she put about on a homeward course. Although after his return from the voyage Captain Hayes heard it “credibly reported” that her men were really affected with a contagious sickness, and that she arrived back at Plymouth greatly distressed, he could not accept this as sufficiently accounting for her act. The real reason he “could never understand.” Therefore he left it “to God.”
With this desertion of the “Raleigh” Captain Hayes’s “Golden Hind” succeeded to the place of vice-admiral, and accordingly her flag was shifted from the mizzen to the foretop. Thus the remaining ships sailed till the twenty-sixth of July when the “Swallow” and the “Squirrel” were lost in a fog. The “Delight” and the “Golden Hind,” now alone, four days later sighted 291the Newfoundland coast,—seven weeks from the time that the fleet had left the coast of England.
The two ships continued along the east coast to Conception Bay, where the “Swallow” was met again. After her disappearance in the fog she had engaged in piratical performances on the sea. An especially mean act had been the despoiling of a fishing bark and leaving her sailless to make her homeward voyage, some seven hundred leagues away. The “Swallow’s” crew were hilarious over their exploits, and many of them appeared in motley garb made up of the clothing filched from the despoiled fishermen. Her captain, an “honest and religious man,” was held blameless in this business. He had had put upon him men “not to his humour or desert”: a crew of pirates, whom he evidently could not control. Later, the same day, the now three ships had come before the harbour of St. John’s, and here the “Squirrel” was found. She was lying at anchor off the harbour mouth, entrance having been forbidden her by the “English merchants” of St. John’s, who, as the elected “admirals,” represented the Newfoundland fishing fleets of different nationalities, of which thirty-six sail happened then to be inside this harbour.
Sir Humphrey prepared to enter by force if necessary, “any resistance to the contrary notwithstanding.” But when he had shown his commission to the “admirals,” and explained that he was here to take possession of the lands in behalf of the crown of England and “the advancement of the Christian religion in those Paganish regions,” and that all he required was their “lawful 292aid” in refreshing and provisioning his fleet, he was cordially received, and all the great guns of the fishermen belched forth salutes of welcome.
A landing was made on the next morning, Sunday, the fourth of August. The general and his company were that day courteously escorted about the place by the English merchants. They were shown their hosts’ accustomed walks in a part called by them “The Garden.” This was found to be a product of “Nature it selfe without art,” comprising a pleasant tangle of wild roses, “odoriferous and to the sense very comfortable,” and “raspis berries” in great plenty. The next day the ceremony of taking possession was performed, which the narrator thus describes in faithful detail:
"Monday following, the Generall had his tent set up, who being accompanied with his own followers summoned the marchants and masters [of the fishing barks in the harbours] both English and strangers to be present at his taking possession of those Countries. Before whom openly was read & interpreted unto the strangers his Commission: by vertue whereof he tooke possession in the same harbour of S. John, and 200 leagues every way, invested the Queens Majestie with the title and dignitie thereof, had delivered unto him (after the custome of England) a rod & a turffe of the same soile, entring possession also for him, his heires, and assigns for ever: And signified unto al men, that from that time forward, they should take the same land as a territorie appertaineing to the Queene of England, and himselfe authorised under her Majestie to possesse and 293enjoy it. And to ordaine lawes for the government thereof, agreeable (so neere as conveniently might be) unto the lawes of England: under which all people comming thither hereafter, either to inhabit, or by way of traffique, should be subjected and governed.
"And especially at the same time for a beginning, he proposed & delivered three lawes to be in force immediately. That is to say: the first for Religion, which in publique exercise should be according to the Church of England. The 2. for maintenance of her Majesties right and possession of those territories, against which if any thing were attempted prejudiciall the parties offending should be adjudged and executed as in case of high treason, according to the lawes of England. The 3. if any person should utter words sounding to the dishonour of her Majestie, he should loose his eares, and have his ship and goods confiscate.
“These contents published, obedience was promised by generall voyce and consent of the multitude aswell of Englishmen as strangers, praying for continuance of this possession and government begun. After this, the assembly was dismissed. And afterward were erected not farre from that place the Armes of England ingraven in lead, and infixed upon a pillar of wood.”
The next step was to grant in fee farms, or parcels of land, lying by the waterside on this and neighbouring harbours, the grantees covenanting to pay a certain rent and service to Sir Humphrey, his heirs and assigns, and yearly to maintain possession by themselves or their assigns. Thus the grantees were assured of grounds 294convenient to dress and dry their fish, which had not previously been enjoyed, the first comers into these harbours in the fishing season taking possession of the available places.
While this business was going forward by the chiefs the men of the company were divided into groups and each group assigned to a particular work. One group were set at repairing and trimming the ships; another at the collection of supplies and provisions. Others were delegated to search the commodities and “singularities” of the region and report to the general all they could learn either from their own observations or from those who had longest frequented this coast. Another group were to obtain the elevation of the pole, and to draw plats of the country “exactly graded.”
Meanwhile Sir Humphrey and his principal men were being right royally entertained by the fishing-ship owners and masters, who, with their crews, constituted the European population of the place during the fishing season. It was the rule to choose the “admirals,” practically the governors of the community, anew each week, or rather they succeeded in orderly course, and to solemnize the change with a weekly “admirals’ feast.” The general and the captains and masters of his fleet were not only guests at this feast, but they were continually invited to other banquets. Even with the “abundance at home” in England, such entertainment as they received would have been delightful, says the chronicler: but here, in this “desolate corner of the world, where at other times of the yeare wild beasts and 295birds have only the fruition of all those countries,” it was more acceptable to them and of greater “contentation.” Also the supplies furnished them for their ships, for which all the fishermen in the harbours, “strangers” as well as English, were taxed, were unexpectedly rich and abundant. The Portuguese fishermen were the most liberal contributors. Wines were received in generous quantity; marmalades, “most fine ruske or biskit, sweet oyles, and sundry delicacies.” There were, too, brought them daily quantities of salmon, trout, lobsters, and other fish.
The group assigned to inquire into the “singularities” of the region were directed among other things to look for metals, and the mineral man and refiner was particularly charged by Sir Humphrey to be diligent in the search for ore. This expert was a “Saxon borne, honest and religious, named Daniel,” upon whose conservative judgment Sir Humphrey relied. Daniel first came upon “some sort of Ore seeming rather to be yron than other metall.” The next find was more important and was displayed by him to Sir Humphrey with “no small shew of contentment.” Indeed, so sure was he that his specimens were evidences of silver in abundance that he was ready to pledge his life, which was “as deere unto him as the Crowne of England unto her Majesty,” if it should not fall out accordingly. If silver were the thing that would satisfy the general and his associates in England, Daniel advised him to seek no farther. The rich thing was here. Sir Humphrey would have acted upon his advice if his “private humour” only was 296to be satisfied. But the promise to his friends, and the “necessitie to bring the South countreys within compasse of the patent nearly expired, as they had already done in these North parts,” made it imperative for him to continue on his course as originally planned. So he had the samples secretly placed on board of one of the ships, and cautioned those who knew of the find to say nothing about it while they remained at St. John’s lest the “foreigners” there—the “Portugals, Biscanes, and Frenchmen”—should learn of it; when they were again sa............