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XI VOYAGES FOR THE MUSCOVY COMPANY
The arrival back at London of Chancellor’s company in the autumn of 1554 was greeted with much rejoicing, while the tales that they told of the strange sights they had seen and the great things they had accomplished filled the merchant adventurers with admiration. Uneasiness over the fate of Sir Hugh Willoughby and the men of the two lost ships tempered their enthusiasm; but their hope and belief were strong that the missing ones would ultimately be safely found, and immediate steps were taken toward a search for them.

Acting upon Chancellor’s wondrous reports and the letters he brought, the English sovereign, now Mary, with her consort Philip of Spain, in February, 1555, granted a charter to the promoters under the name of the Merchant Adventurers of England, and constituted Sebastian Cabot governor of the corporation for life, in consideration that he had been the “chiefest setter forth” of the first voyage. Thus was established the great Muscovy Company with a monopoly of the new Russian trade, and empowered further to promote discoveries 125in unknown regions—"lands, territories, isles, dominions, and seigniories"—north, northeast, and northwest.

In the following May (1555) the newly organized company despatched Chancellor on a second voyage to the White Sea again with the “Edward Bonaventure” and a companion ship, the “Philip and Mary,” both freighted with English goods to be bartered for Russian furs and other commodities. Accompanying him were three factors, or agents, of the company, and he carried letters of amity from Mary to Ivan, written in Greek, Polish, and Italian. While this second voyage was essentially a commercial one, Chancellor was to continue his efforts to discover a Northeast passage, being instructed to “use all wayes and meanes possible to learne howe men may passe from Russia either by land or sea to Cathaia.” He was also to make diligent enquiry among mariners and other “travelled persons” for tidings of Willoughby’s party.

This expedition arrived at “Wardhouse” by midsummer, and Moscow was reached in November. As flattering courtesies as before were exchanged between the emperor and Chancellor, and the factors were freely accorded the privileges asked for. Chancellor remained in Moscow through the following winter and spring, and then prepared for his return voyage, Ivan having appointed an ambassador to go back with him personally to convey to the English court tokens of the emperor’s good will and readiness to enter into mutual bonds of friendship. Chancellor had made no further 126Northeastern discoveries, but the fate of Willoughby and his companions had been ascertained, and their two ships had been brought from the tragic Lapland haven to St. Nicholas and added to Chancellor’s fleet there.

The return voyage was begun from St. Nicholas in July (1556), the four ships—the “Edward Bonaventure,” the “Philip and Mary,” and the restored “Bona Esperanza” and “Bona Confidentia”—making a goodly show as they put to sea. On board of the “Bonaventure” with Chancellor was the ambassador, Osep Napea by name, with most of his suite, a brilliant company of “Russes” and numerous servants, the remainder of his train, Russian merchants among them, being passengers on the other ships. The ambassador was well supplied with handsome trappings with which to dazzle his hosts, and he carried letters “tenderly conceived” from Ivan to the English sovereign. All of the ships were heavy laden with Russian goods for the English trade, parts of the cargoes being taken out by the Russians; while on the “Bonaventure” were a quantity of presents from the emperor to Philip and Mary—costly furs, rich skins, and “four living sables with chains and collars.”

For a time the four ships kept gallant company. Then high winds and storms arose and they were separated not to come together again. The “Philip and Mary,” the “Bona Esperanza,” and the “Bona Confidentia,” were all driven on the coast of Norway into “Drenton” waters. The fated ships in which 127Willoughby and his associates perished, were both lost with their passengers and crews. The “Confidentia” was seen to “perish on a rock.” The “Philip and Mary,” finding a snug harbour, was saved to make her way back to England nearly a year later. The “Bonaventure” continued alone on the voyage buffeted by much foul weather. At length, after four long months at sea, she also met her fate. At the close of a bleak November day she was driven by “outrageous tempests” on the north coast of Scotland, and was wrecked off Pitsligo, in Aberdeen Bay. Chancellor bent all his energies to saving the ambassador. Taking him with seven of his “Russes” into the ships’ boat he made for the shore. But it was now night-time, dark and tempestuous, and all of the boat’s company were lost save the ambassador and a few of the sailors. So the brave Chancellor perished at the height of his fame and usefulness as a navigator.

The ambassador thus barely escaping a watery grave was compensated with a magnificent reception. He was provided with fine raiment of silk and velvet, and other furnishings in place of those lost in the wreck (which, by the way, was looted by “rude and ravenous” people of the neighbourhood), and a band of titled Englishmen escorted him from Scotland to London. His formal entry into the city was made on a Saturday, the last day of February. It was a great spectacle, the court and the Muscovy Company combining for to outshine Ivan’s receptions of Chancellor. Hakluyt describes it under the caption, “A discourse of the honourable 128receiving into England of the first ambassador from the Empire of Russia in the year of Christ 1556” (1556/7).

Met at the outskirts by the “merchants adventuring for Russia to the number of one hundred and fortie persons, and so many or more servants in one [uniform] liverie,” he was conducted toward the city, being shown on the way a fox hunt, and “such like” English sport. Near the north line he was met and embraced by “the right honourable Viscount Montague, sent by her grace [the queen] for his entertainment.” Thence, accompanied by “divers lustie knights, esquiers, gentlemen, and yeomen to the number of three hundred horses,” he was led to the north parts of the city where four “notable merchants richly apparelled” presented him a “right faire and large gelding richly trapped, together with a foot-cloth of Orient crimson velvet enriched with gold laces all finished in most glorious fashion.” Mounting the beautiful horse he continued in formal procession on to “Smithfield barres the first limites of the liberties of the citie of London.” Here the Lord Mayor and all of the aldermen, in blazing scarlet, were lined up to receive and join him. Thence the gay pageant passed through the city: the ambassador riding between the Lord Mayor and Viscount Montague, “a great number of notable personages riding before, and a large troupe of servants and apprentices following,” throngs of curious people “running plentifully on all sides.” The procession brought up at the lodgings which had been provided for 129the guest, the chambers being “richly hanged and decked over and above the gallant furniture.”

The ambassador remained in London till early May, the recipient of a continuous round of courtesies. He was feasted and banquetted “right friendly” at the houses of the mayor and of “divers worshipful men;” was royally entertained by Philip and Mary at Westminster when he presented the emperor’s letters; and was given a farewell supper, “notably garnished with musicke, enterludes, and bankets,” by the whole Muscovy Company at the hall of the Drapers’ Guild. Meanwhile the trade alliance was cemented by a league confirmed under the great seal of England, and by letters “very tenderly and friendly written” from Philip and Mary to Ivan. When at length he took his departure from London to return to Russia, a grand company of aldermen and merchants escorted him to Gravesend where a fine fleet of four “tall ships,” the “Primrose,” the “John Evangelist,” the “Anne,” and the “Trinitie,” provided by the Muscovy Company for his conveyance, lay in waiting. The leave-takings on both sides were most fervent, with “many embracements and divers farewells not without expressing of teares.”

This fleet, sailing on the twelfth of May, 1557, carried cargoes of English merchandise “apt for Russia,” besides quantities of goods taken out by the ambassador and his retinue, together with return presents from the queen to the emperor, including rare silks and velvets, and “two live lions”: so that compliment and 130business were profitably mixed in the voyage. As commander of the fleet was Anthony Jenkinson, gentleman, already favourably known among English merchants as a daring traveller in the Levant in the interest of commerce, and now, through a succession of wonderful travels, to extend the Merchant Adventurers’ field of operations into Central Asia. St. Nicholas was duly reached in July, where the ambassador and his train disembarked to take other craft for Kholmogro, on the Northern Dwina, southwest of Archangel. The fleet went no further, and after discharging cargoes and relading with Russian stuffs, turned back for England, leaving Jenkinson behind to see the ambassador safely arrived at Moscow and then to start on his new travels into Asia.

The story of Jenkinson’s adventures and their results was related in two narratives, both of which Hakluyt preserves. The one covers, as its title runs, “The voyage wherein Osep Napea the Muscovite Ambassadour returned home into his Countrey with his entertainment at his arrival at Colmogro [Kholmogro], and a large description of the maners of the Countrey.” The other is entitled, “The voyage of Master Anthony Jenkinson made from the citie of Mosco in Russia to the citie of Boghar [Bokhara] in Bactria, in the yeere 1558, written by himself to the Marchants of London of the Muscovie Companie.”

At Moscow he was as graciously received as his predecessors had been, and while there he farther advanced the interests of the Merchant Adventurers. 131He remained in the Russian capital for longer periods than Chancellor, and had larger opportunities for observation. Hence his delineations supplied richer colour. Thus the emperor’s “lodging” is pictured:

“The Emperors lodging is in a faire and large castle, walled foure square of bricke, high and thicke, situated upon a hill, 2 miles about, and the river on the Southwest side of it, and it hath 16 gates in the walles & as many bulwarks. His palace is separated from the rest of the Castle by a long wall going north and south to the river side. In his palace are Churches, some of stone and some of wood with round towers finely gilded. In the Church doores and within the Churches are images of golde: the chiefe markets for all things are within the sayd Castle, and for sundry things sundry markets, and every science by it selfe. And in the winter there is a great market without the castle, upon the river being frozen, and there is sold corne, earthen pots, tubs, sleds, &c.”

Thus, the costume of the “Russe,” presumably of the higher orders:

“The Russe is apparalled in this maner: his upper garment is of cloth of golde, silke, or cloth, long, downe to the foot, and buttoned with great buttons of silver, or els [else] laces of silke, set on with brooches, the sleeves thereof very long, which he weareth on his arme, ruffed up. Under that he hath another long garment, buttoned with silke buttons, with a high coller standing up of some colour, and that garment is made straight. Then his shirt is very fine, and wrought 132with red silke, or some gold with a coller of pearle. Under his shirt he hath linnen breeches upon his legs, a paire of hose without feete, and his bootes of red or yellow leather. On his head he weareth a white Colepecke, with buttons of silver, gold, pearle, or stone, and under it a blacke Foxe cap, turned up very broad.”

His equipages:

“The Russe, if he be a man of any abilitie, never goeth out of his house in the winter but upon his sled, and in summer upon his horse: and in his sled he sits upon a carpet, or a white Beares skinne: the sled is drawen with a horse well decked, with many Foxes and Woolves tails at his necke, & is conducted by a little boy upon his backe: his servants stand upon the taile of the sled.”

The trappings of the saddle-horse:

“They use sadles made of wood & sinewes, with the tree gilded with damaske worke, & the seat covered with cloth, sometimes of golde, and the rest Saphian leather well stitched. They use little drummes at their sadle bowes, by the sound whereof their horses use to runne more swiftly.”

Ways of travelling:

“In the winter time the people travell with sleds, in towne and countrey, the way being hard, and smooth with snow: the waters and rivers are all frozen and one horse with a sled will draw a man upon it 400 miles in three daies: but in the Summer time the way is deepe with mire, and travelling is very ill.”

Jenkinson started on his eastern travels from Moscow 133in late April, 1558, well furnished with letters from the emperor, directed to all kings and princes through whose dominions he might pass, soliciting safe conduct for him. He was accompanied by two others of the Muscovy Company’s men—Richard and Robert Johnson—and a Tartar guide. His ultimate aim was a passage to “Cathay” from Russia by way of the Caspian Sea, and “Boghar” (Bokhara) overland. He sailed from Moscow on the Moskva River in a small but staunch vessel and carried along with him “divers parcels of wares” for barter and trade as he travelled. At Nijni-Novgorod, at t............
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