The Willoughby-Chancellor voyage was planned with much thoroughness, specifically for the expansion of trade. It was the outcome of the deliberations of “certaine grave Citizens of London and men of great wisdome and carefull for the good of their Countrey” seeking means to revive commercial affairs which had fallen into a dismal state. English commodities had come to be in small request by neighbouring peoples. “Merchandises” (as the term was) which foreigners in former times eagerly sought were now neglected and their prices lowered, although the goods were carried by the English traders to the foreign ports; while all foreign products were “in great account and their prices wonderfully raised.” Meanwhile English merchants had seen the wealth of Spaniards and Portuguese marvellously increase through the repeated discoveries of new countries and new trades for their nations. So these grave and wise citizens came at last to realize the imperative need of a similar course for England if she were to keep pace with her rivals: practically to adopt the policy which 105Robert Thorne had so sagely pressed a quarter of a century before.
Having resolved upon a “new and strange navigation” they first of all brought Sebastian Cabot into their councils, and forming a company chose him their head. “After much speech and conference together” it was decided that three ships should be prepared for discovery in the northern parts of the world to open the way for Englishmen to unknown kingdoms northeastward. The three ships were duly obtained, for the most part newly built craft of “very strong and well-seasoned planks.” One at least of them was made especially staunch by “an excellent and ingenious invention,” described as “the covering of a piece of keel with thin sheets of lead.” This is supposed to have been the first instance in England of the practice of sheathing. It had, however, been adopted in Spain nearly forty years before. The ships were well furnished with armours and artillery, and were victualled with supplies for eighteen months. They were severally: the “Bona Esperanza,” of one hundred and twenty tons, designated admiral (flag-ship) of the fleet, the “Edward Bonaventure,” one hundred and sixty tons, and the “Bona Confidentia,” ninety tons. Each was provided with a pinnace and a boat.
After securing the ships the next care was the selection of captains for the expedition. Many men of standing offered themselves for the headship. Among these most urgent for the appointment was Sir Hugh Willoughby, “a most valiant gentleman and well born.” 106Sir Hugh was chosen on account of his “goodly personage”—he appears to have been an exceptionally tall man—and for his “singular skill in the service of warre.” He had served under the Earl of Hertford, afterward the Duke of Somerset, in the expedition of 1544 against Scotland, and had received the honour of knighthood at Leith; and during the invasions of 1547–1549 he held a commission on the border, and was sometime captain of Lowther Castle. Afterward his “thoughts turned to the sea” through his association with naval men and his friendship with Sebastian Cabot. The title given him was captain-general of the Fleet. For second in command, also drawn from several candidates, Richard Chancellor was elected and named pilot-general. He was given the charge of the “Edward Bonaventure” as captain. Chancellor had been bred up in the household of Henry Sidney, the father of Sir Philip Sidney. He was strongly endorsed as a man of “great estimation for many good partes of wit in him.” In the prime of life, he had the advantage of an excellent reputation for knowledge of the sea with a genius for adventure. As masters of the several ships, William Gefferson was appointed for the “Bona Esperanza,” Stephen Borough (afterward chief pilot of England) for the “Edward Bonaventure,” and Cornelius Durfoorth for the “Bona Confidentia.” The captain-general, the pilot-general, the three ships’ masters, the minister—Master Richard Stafford—two of the merchants and one of the “gentlemen” joining the expedition, and the three masters’ mates, 107were designated a board of twelve counsellors for the voyage.
An elaborate book of orders and instructions for the conduct of the fleet was compiled by Cabot; while the king provided a letter, written in Latin, Greek, and other languages, designed for presentation to any potentate whom the voyagers might come across in journeying “toward the mighty empire of Cathay,” but most liberally addressed “to all Kings, Princes, Rulers, Judges, and Governours of the earth, and all others having any excellent dignity on the same in all places under the universall heaven.”
Hakluyt gives the text of both of these documents. Cabot’s book comprised thirty-three items, as a whole well illustrating his ripe judgment and good seamanship. Particularly wise were his instructions as to the attitude of the voyagers toward new peoples whom they might discover. “Every nation and region is to be considered advisedly.” The natives were not to be provoked by “any disdaine, laughing, contempt, or such like,” but were to be used with “prudent circumspection, with all gentlenes and courtesie.” “For as much,” he shrewdly observed, “as our people and shippes may appear unto them strange and wondrous, and their’s also to ours: it is to be considered how they may be used, learning much of their natures and dispositions by some one such person [native] as you may first either allure or take to be brought aboord of your ships, and there to learn as you may, without violence or force.” The native so taken to be “well entertained, 108used and apparelled; to be set on the land to the intent that he or she may allure other to draw nigh to shew the commodities.” But the succeeding instruction was vicious, though in accord with the brutality of the age: “and if the person taken may be made drunke with your beere or wine you shall know the secrets of his heart.”
The king’s letter-missive defined the voyage to be purely a commercial affair. It was an expedition by sea “into farre Countreis to the intent that betweene our people and them a way may be opened to bring in and cary out merchandises.” It was to seek in the countries that might be found heretofore unknown “as well such things as we lacke, as also to cary unto them from our regions such things as they lacke.” So “not onely commoditie may ensue both to them and to us, but also an indissoluble and perpetuall league of friendship be established betweene us both.” Free passage was asked for the voyagers through their dominions, with the assurance that nothing of theirs should be touched by the visitors unwillingly to them; and the same hospitality that they would expect their subjects to receive should they at any time pass by the regions of the English king.
The fleet started from Ratcliffe at the time appointed for the departure, the tenth of May (according to Willoughby’s journal, other accounts say the twentieth) and dropped down the Thames by easy stages. On the “Esperanza” with Sir Hugh were the larger number of merchants. The minister was on the 109“Edward Bonaventure”; and among the seamen of the latter was William Borough, the younger brother of the ship’s master, a lusty youth of sixteen, who afterward became comptroller of the queen’s navy. The spectacle of the passage by Greenwich, where the court was then seated at the ancient royal palace, is vividly portrayed by the historian of Chancellor’s exploits on this voyage, Clement Adams, the schoolmaster:
“The greater shippes are towed downe with boates, and oares, and the mariners being all apparelled in Watchet, or skie coloured cloth, rowed amaine and made way with diligence. And being come neere Greenewich (where the court then lay) presently upon the newes thereof the Courtiers came running out, and the common people flockt together standing very thicke upon the shoare: the privie Counsel, they lookt out at the windowes of the Court, and the rest ranne up to the toppes of the towers: the shippes hereupon discharge their Ordinance, and shoot off their pieces after the maner of warre, and of the sea, insomuch that the tops of the hilles sounded therewith, the valleys and the waters gave an Echo, and the Mariners, they shouted in such sort that the skie rang again with the noyse thereof. One stoode in the poope of the ship, and by his jesture bids farewell to his friends in the best maner he could. Another walks upon the hatches, another climbes the shrowdes, another stands upon the maine yarde, and another in the top of the shippe.”
The boy king heard the parting salute but he did 110not see the show, for he lay in his chamber gravely ill of consumption. And a fortnight after the ships had taken the sea, he died.
The fleet tarried some time off Harwich and did not finally get away till the twenty-third of June. By the middle of July Heligoland, in the North Sea, was reached and visited. Next, R?st Island, where another short stay was made. Next, on the twenty-seventh of July, anchors were dropped at one of the Lofoden Islands, and there the voyagers remained for three days, finding the isle “plentifully inhabited” by “very gentle people.” Next they coasted along these islands north-northwest till the second of August, when they attempted to make another harbour, having arranged with a native, who came out to them in a skiff for a pilot to conduct them to “Wardhouse” (Vardohuus), an island haven off Finmark, with a “castle,” then a rendezvous of northern mariners. But violent whirlwinds prevented their entrance and they were constrained to take to the sea again. Thereupon the captain-general ran up the admiral’s flag signalling a conference of the chief officers of the fleet on board his ship. It was then agreed that in the event of a separation of the ships by a tempest or other mishap each should at once make for “Wardhouse,” and the first arriving in safety should there await the coming of the rest.
That very day the dreaded separation occurred. Late in the afternoon a tempest suddenly arose which so lashed the sea that the ships were tossed hither and 111thither from their intended course. Above the storm on the “Edward Bonaventure” was heard the loud voice of Sir Hugh calling to Captain Chancellor to keep by the admiral. But the “Esperanza,” bearing all sails, sped onward with such swiftness that despite all of Chancellor’s efforts to follow, she was soon out of his sight. That was the last seen of her or of Sir Hugh and his companions. Nor was the “Confidentia” again seen by the men of the “Bonaventure.” Both ships and their companies had passed forever from their sight; and the miserable fate of their mates was not known when they had completed their voyage and returned to England.
The story was finally told in Willoughby’s journal, which was found a year or more afterward with the ships and the frozen bodies of the luckless Sir Hugh and his companions, seventy in all, at Lapland. Hakluyt gives it under this caption:
“The Voyage of Sir Hugh Willoughbie knight, wherein he unfortunately perished at Arzina Reca in Lapland, Anno 1553.” It is entitled: “The true copie of a Note found written in one of the two ships, to wit, the Speranza, which wintred in Lappia where Sir Willoughbie and all his companie died, being frozen to death Anno 1553.”
This journal comprised a record of the expedition from the start to Willoughby’s occupation of the Lapland haven. It opened with a statement of the object of the voyage and its institution by Cabot and the London Merchant Adventurers; a list of the ships and 112their burden, together with the names of their companies; and the text of the oath administered to the ships’ masters. Then followed the log of the voyage, beginning with the departure from Ratcliffe. From this it appears that the morning after the storm which had parted the ships, the “Esperanza,” with the lifting of a fog, espied the “Confidentia,” and thereafter these two ships managed to keep together. Seeing nothing of the “Bonaventure” they started in company to reach the rendezvous at “Wardhouse.” But it was not long before they lost their way. Through August and into September they sailed and drifted in various directions, northeast, south-southeast, northwest by west, west-southwest, north by east. On the fourteenth of August they discovered land in seventy-two degrees (which Hakluyt terms “Willoughbyie’s Land”), but could not reach it because of shoal water and much ice. At length, in the middle of September, they came upon land, rocky, high, and forbidding, apparently uninhabited; and so to the desolate Lapland haven which ultimately became their grave. Herein were found “very many seale fishes and other great fishes,” and upon the main were seen “beares, great deere, foxes, with divers strange beasts as guloines [or ellons, Hakluyt notes], and such other which were to us unknowen and also wonderful.” Then the sad record closes:
“Thus remaining in this haven the space of a weeke, seeing the yeere farre spent, & also very evill wether, as frost, snow, and haile, as though it had been the 113deepe of winter, we thought best to winter there. Wherefore we sent out three men South-southwest, to search if they would find people, who went three dayes journey, but could finde none; after that, we sent other three Westward foure daies journey, which also returned without finding any people. Then sent we three men Southeast three dayes journey, who in like sorte returned without finding of people, or any similitude of habitation.”
The will of Sir Hugh was also found with his journal, from which it appeared that he and most of his company were alive so late as January. Their haven lay near to Kegor in Norwegian Lapland and was afterward known as Arzina. They were first discovered, entombed in their ships, by Russian fishermen cruising in their haven, the following summer. Willoughby’s frozen body lay in his cabin. The next season, the summer of 1555, the two ships were recovered, with much of their goods, and restored for more service.
Their subsequent fate is to be related farther on. Our present concern is with Richard Chancellor and the “Edward Bonaventure” after the dispersion of the fleet.
“Pensive, heavie, and sorrowfull” at the disappearance............