We now enter upon the most interesting episode in the life of thegallant captain, more thrilling and not less romantic than thecaptivity in Turkey and the tale of the faithful love of the fairyoung mistress Charatza Tragabigzanda.

　　Although the conduct of the lovely Charatza in despatching Smith toher cruel brother in Nalbrits, where he led the life of a dog, wasnever explained, he never lost faith in her. His loyalty to womenwas equal to his admiration of them, and it was bestowed withoutregard to race or complexion. Nor is there any evidence that thedusky Pocahontas, who is about to appear, displaced in his heart theimage of the too partial Tragabigzanda. In regard to women, as tohis own exploits, seen in the light of memory, Smith possessed acreative imagination. He did not create Pocahontas, as perhaps hemay have created the beautiful mistress of Bashaw Bogall, but heinvested her with a romantic interest which forms a lovely halo abouthis own memory.

　　As this voyage up the Chickahominy is more fruitful in itsconsequences than Jason's voyage to Colchis; as it exhibits theenergy, daring, invention, and various accomplishments of CaptainSmith, as warrior, negotiator, poet, and narrator; as it describesSmith's first and only captivity among the Indians; and as it wasduring this absence of four weeks from Jamestown, if ever, thatPocahontas interposed to prevent the beating out of Smith's brainswith a club, I shall insert the account of it in full, both Smith'sown varying relations of it, and such contemporary notices of it asnow come to light. It is necessary here to present several accounts,just as they stand, and in the order in which they were written, thatthe reader may see for himself how the story of Pocahontas grew toits final proportions. The real life of Pocahontas will form thesubject of another chapter.

　　The first of these accounts is taken from "The True Relation,"written by Captain John Smith, composed in Virginia, the earliestpublished work relating to the James River Colony. It covers aperiod of a little more than thirteen months, from the arrival atCape Henry on April 26, 1607, to the return of Captain Nelson in thePhoenix, June 2, 1608. The manuscript was probably taken home byCaptain Nelson, and it was published in London in 1608. Whether itwas intended for publication is doubtful; but at that time all newsof the venture in Virginia was eagerly sought, and a narrative ofthis importance would naturally speedily get into print.

　　In the several copies of it extant there are variations in the title-page, which was changed while the edition was being printed. In somethe name of Thomas Watson is given as the author, in others"A Gentleman of the Colony," and an apology appears signed "T. H.,"for the want of knowledge or inadvertence of attributing it to anyone except Captain Smith.

　　There is no doubt that Smith was its author. He was still inVirginia when it was printed, and the printers made sad work of partsof his manuscript. The question has been raised, in view of theentire omission of the name of Pocahontas in connection with thisvoyage and captivity, whether the manuscript was not cut by those whopublished it. The reason given for excision is that the promoters ofthe Virginia scheme were anxious that nothing should appear todiscourage capitalists, or to deter emigrants, and that this story ofthe hostility and cruelty of Powhatan, only averted by the tendermercy of his daughter, would have an unfortunate effect. The answerto this is that the hostility was exhibited by the captivity and theintimation that Smith was being fatted to be eaten, and this waspermitted to stand. It is wholly improbable that an incident soromantic, so appealing to the imagination, in an age when wonder-tales were eagerly welcomed, and which exhibited such tender pity inthe breast of a savage maiden, and such paternal clemency in a savagechief, would have been omitted. It was calculated to lend a livelyinterest to the narration, and would be invaluable as anadvertisement of the adventure.

　　[For a full bibliographical discussion of this point the reader isreferred to the reprint of "The True Relation," by Charles Deane,Esq., Boston, 1864, the preface and notes to which are a masterpieceof critical analysis.]

　　That some portions of "The True Relation" were omitted is possible.

　　There is internal evidence of this in the abrupt manner in which itopens, and in the absence of allusions to the discords during thevoyage and on the arrival. Captain Smith was not the man to passover such questions in silence, as his subsequent caustic letter senthome to the Governor and Council of Virginia shows. And it isprobable enough that the London promoters would cut out from the"Relation" complaints and evidence of the seditions and helplessstate of the colony. The narration of the captivity is consistent asit stands, and wholly inconsistent with the Pocahontas episode.

　　We extract from the narrative after Smith's departure from Apocant,the highest town inhabited, between thirty and forty miles up theriver, and below Orapaks, one of Powhatan's seats, which also appearson his map. He writes:

　　"Ten miles higher I discovered with the barge; in the midway a greattree hindered my passage, which I cut in two: heere the river becamenarrower, 8, 9 or 10 foote at a high water, and 6 or 7 at a lowe: thestream exceeding swift, and the bottom hard channell, the ground mostpart a low plaine, sandy soyle, this occasioned me to suppose itmight issue from some lake or some broad ford, for it could not befar to the head, but rather then I would endanger the barge, yet tohave beene able to resolve this doubt, and to discharge theimputating malicious tungs, that halfe suspected I durst not for solong delaying, some of the company, as desirous as myself, weresolved to hier a canow, and returne with the barge to Apocant,there to leave the barge secure, and put ourselves upon theadventure: the country onely a vast and wilde wilderness, and butonly that Towne: within three or foure mile we hired a canow, and 2Indians to row us ye next day a fowling: having made such provisionfor the barge as was needfull, I left her there to ride, withexpresse charge not any to go ashore til my returne. Though somewise men may condemn this too bould attempt of too much indiscretion,yet if they well consider the friendship of the Indians, inconducting me, the desolatenes of the country, the probabilitie ofsome lacke, and the malicious judges of my actions at home, as alsoto have some matters of worth to incourage our adventurers inengland, might well have caused any honest minde to have done thelike, as wel for his own discharge as for the publike good: having 2Indians for my guide and 2 of our own company, I set forward, leaving7 in the barge; having discovered 20 miles further in this desart,the river stil kept his depth and bredth, but much more combred withtrees; here we went ashore (being some 12 miles higher than ye bargehad bene) to refresh our selves, during the boyling of our vituals:

　　one of the Indians I tooke with me, to see the nature of the soile,and to cross the boughts of the river, the other Indian I left withM. Robbinson and Thomas Emry, with their matches light and order todischarge a peece, for my retreat at the first sight of any Indian,but within a quarter of an houre I heard a loud cry, and a hollowingof Indians, but no warning peece, supposing them surprised, and thatthe Indians had betraid us, presently I seazed him and bound his armefast to my hand in a garter, with my pistoll ready bent to berevenged on him: he advised me to fly and seemed ignorant of what wasdone, but as we went discoursing, I was struck with an arrow on theright thigh, but without harme: upon this occasion I espied 2 Indiansdrawing their bowes, which I prevented in discharging a frenchpistoll: by that I had charged again 3 or 4 more did the 'like, forthe first fell downe and fled: at my discharge they did the like, myhinde I made my barricade, who offered not to strive, 20 or 30arrowes were shot at me but short, 3 or 4 times I had discharged mypistoll ere the king of Pamauck called Opeckakenough with 200 men,environed me, each drawing their bowe, which done they laid them uponthe ground, yet without shot, my hinde treated betwixt them and me ofconditions of peace, he discovered me to be the captaine, my requestwas to retire to ye boate, they demanded my armes, the rest theysaide were slaine, onely me they would reserve: the Indian importunedme not to shoot. In retiring being in the midst of a low quagmire,and minding them more than my steps, I stept fast into the quagmire,and also the Indian in drawing me forth: thus surprised, I resolvedto trie their mercies, my armes I caste from me, till which nonedurst approch me: being ceazed on me, they drew me out and led me tothe King, I presented him with a compasse diall, describing by mybest meanes the use thereof, whereat he so amazedly admired, as hesuffered me to proceed in a discourse of the roundnes of the earth,the course of the sunne, moone, starres and plannets, with kindespeeches and bread he requited me, conducting me where the canow layand John Robinson slaine, with 20 or 30 arrowes in him. Emry I sawnot, I perceived by the abundance of fires all over the woods, ateach place I expected when they would execute me, yet they used mewith what kindnes they could: approaching their Towne which waswithin 6 miles where I was taken, onely made as arbors and coveredwith mats, which they remove as occasion requires: all the women andchildren, being advertised of this accident came forth to meet, theKing well guarded with 20 bow men 5 flanck and rear and each flanckbefore him a sword and a peece, and after him the like, then abowman, then I on each hand a boweman, the rest in file in the reare,which reare led forth amongst the trees in a bishion, eache his boweand a handfull of arrowes, a quiver at his back grimly painted: oneache flanck a sargeant, the one running alwaiss towards the frontthe other towards the reare, each a true pace and in exceeding goodorder, this being a good time continued, they caste themselves in aring with a daunce, and so eache man departed to his lodging, thecaptain conducting me to his lodging, a quarter of Venison and someten pound of bread I had for supper, what I left was reserved for me,and sent with me to my lodging: each morning three women presented methree great platters of fine bread, more venison than ten men coulddevour I had, my gowne, points and garters, my compas and a tabletthey gave me again, though 8 ordinarily guarded me, I wanted not whatthey could devise to content me: and still our longer acquaintanceincreased our better affection: much they threatened to assault ourforte as they were solicited by the King of Paspahegh, who shewed atour fort great signs of sorrow for this mischance: the King tookgreat delight in understanding the manner of our ships and saylingthe seas, the earth and skies and of our God: what he knew of thedominions he spared not to acquaint me with, as of certaine mencloathed at a place called Ocanahonun, cloathed like me, the courseof our river, and that within 4 or 5 daies journey of the falles, wasa great turning of salt water: I desired he would send a messenger toPaspahegh, with a letter I would write, by which they shouldunderstand, how kindly they used me, and that I was well, lest theyshould revenge my death; this he granted and sent three men, in suchweather, as in reason were unpossible, by any naked to be indured:

　　their cruell mindes towards the fort I had deverted, in describingthe ordinance and the mines in the fields, as also the revengeCaptain Newport would take of them at his returne, their intent, Iincerted the fort, the people of Ocanahomm and the back sea, thisreport they after found divers Indians that confirmed: the next dayafter my letter, came a salvage to my lodging, with his sword to haveslaine me, but being by my guard intercepted, with a bowe and arrowhe offred to have effected his purpose: the cause I knew not, tillthe King understanding thereof came and told me of a man a dyingwounded with my pistoll: he tould me also of another I had slayne,yet the most concealed they had any hurte: this was the father of himI had slayne, whose fury to prevent, the King presently conducted meto another kingdome, upon the top of the next northerly river, calledYoughtanan, having feasted me, he further led me to another branch ofthe river called Mattapament, to two other hunting townes they ledme, and to each of these Countries, a house of the great Emperor ofPewhakan, whom as yet I supposed to be at the Fals, to him I toldehim I must goe, and so returne to Paspahegh, after this foure or fivedayes march we returned to Rasawrack, the first towne they brought metoo, where binding the mats in bundles, they marched two dayesjourney and crossed the River of Youghtanan, where it was as broad asThames: so conducting me too a place called Menapacute in Pamunke,where ye King inhabited; the next day another King of that nationcalled Kekataugh, having received some kindness of me at the Fort,kindly invited me to feast at his house, the people from all placesflocked to see me, each shewing to content me. By this the greatKing hath foure or five houses, each containing fourscore or anhundred foote in length, pleasantly seated upon an high sandy hill,from whence you may see westerly a goodly low country, the riverbefore the which his crooked course causeth many great Marshes ofexceeding good ground. An hundred houses, and many large plaines arehere together inhabited, more abundance of fish and fowle, and apleasanter seat cannot be imagined: the King with fortie bowmen toguard me, intreated me to discharge my Pistoll, which they therepresented me with a mark at six score to strike therewith but tospoil the practice I broke the cocke, whereat they were muchdiscontented though a chaunce supposed. From hence this kind Kingconducted me to a place called Topahanocke, a kingdome upon anotherriver northward; the cause of this was, that the yeare before, ashippe had beene in the River of Pamunke, who having been kindlyentertained by Powhatan their Emperour, they returned thence, anddiscovered the River of Topahanocke, where being received with likekindnesse, yet he slue the King, and tooke of his people, and theysupposed I were bee, but the people reported him a great man that wasCaptaine, and using mee kindly, the next day we departed. This Riverof Topahanock, seemeth in breadth not much lesse than that we dwellupon. At the mouth of the River is a Countrey called Cuttata women,upwards is Marraugh tacum Tapohanock, Apparnatuck, and Nantaugstacum, at Topmanahocks, the head issuing from many Mountains, thenext night I lodged at a hunting town of Powhatam's, and the next dayarrived at Waranacomoco upon the river of Parnauncke, where the greatking is resident: by the way we passed by the top of another littleriver, which is betwixt the two called Payankatank. The most of thiscountry though Desert, yet exceeding fertil, good timber, most hilsand in dales, in each valley a cristall spring.

　　"Arriving at Weramacomoco, their Emperour, proudly lying upon aBedstead a foote high upon tenne or twelve Mattes, richly hung withmanie Chaynes of great Pearles about his necke, and covered with agreat covering of Rahaughcums: At heade sat a woman, at his feeteanother, on each side sitting upon a Matte upon the ground wereraunged his chiefe men on each side the fire, tenne in a ranke andbehinde them as many yong women, each a great Chaine of white Beadesover their shoulders: their heades painted in redde and with such agrave and Majeslicall countenance, as drove me into admiration to seesuch state in a naked Salvage, bee kindlv welcomed me with goodwordes, and great Platters of sundrie victuals, asiuring mee hisfriendship and my libertie within foure dayes, bee much delighted inOpechan Conough's relation of what I had described to him, and oftexamined me upon the same. Hee asked me the cause of our comming, Itolde him being in fight with the Spaniards our enemie, being overpowred, neare put to retreat, and by extreme weather put to thisshore, where landing at Chesipiack, the people shot us, but atKequoughtan they kindly used us, wee by signes demaunded fresh water,they described us up the River was all fresh water, at Paspahegh,also they kindly used us, our Pinnasse being leake wee were inforcedto stay to mend her, till Captain Newport my father came to conductus away. He demaunded why we went further with our Boate, I toldehim, in that I would have occasion to talke of the backe Sea, that onthe other side the maine, where was salt water, my father had achilde slaine, which we supposed Monocan his enemie, whose death weintended to revenge. After good deliberation, hee began to describeme the countreys beyond the Falles, with many of the rest, confirmingwhat not only Opechancanoyes, and an Indian which had been prisonerto Pewhatan had before tolde mee, but some called it five days, somesixe, some eight, where the sayde water dashed amongst many stonesand rocks, each storme which caused oft tymes the heade of the Riverto bee brackish: Anchanachuck he described to bee the people that hadslaine my brother, whose death hee would revenge. Hee described alsoupon the same Sea, a mighty nation called Pocoughtronack, a fiercenation that did eate men and warred with the people of Moyaoncer, andPataromerke, Nations upon the toppe of the heade of the Bay, underhis territories, where the yeare before they had slain an hundred, hesignified their crownes were shaven, long haire in the necke, tied ona knot, Swords like Pollaxes.

　　" Beyond them he described people with short Coates, and Sleeves tothe Elbowes, that passed that way in Shippes like ours. ManyKingdomes hee described mee to the heade of the Bay, which seemed tobee a mightie River, issuing from mightie mountaines, betwixt the twoseas; the people clothed at Ocamahowan. He also confirmed, and theSoutherly Countries also, as the rest, that reported us to be withina day and a halfe of Mangoge, two dayes of Chawwonock, 6 fromRoonock, to the South part of the backe sea: he described a countriecalled Anone, where they have abundance of Brasse, and houses walledas ours. I requited his discourse, seeing what pride he had in hisgreat and spacious Dominions, seeing that all hee knewe were underhis Territories.

　　" In describing to him the territories of Europe which was subject toour great King whose subject I was, the innumerable multitude of hisships, I gave him to understand the noyse of Trumpets and terriblemanner of fighting were under Captain Newport my father, whom Iintituled the Meworames which they call King of all the waters, athis greatnesse bee admired and not a little feared; he desired mee toforsake Paspahegh, and to live with him upon his River, a countriecalled Capa Howasicke; he promised to give me corne, venison, or whatI wanted to feede us, Hatchets and Copper wee should make him, andnone should disturbe us. This request I promised to performe: andthus having with all the kindnes hee could devise, sought to contentme, he sent me home with 4 men, one that usually carried my Gonne andKnapsacke after me, two other loded with bread, and one to accompanieme."The next extract in regard to this voyage is from PresidentWingfield's "Discourse of Virginia," which appears partly in the formof a diary, but was probably drawn up or at least finished shortlyafter Wingfield's return to London in May, 1608. He was in Jamestownwhen Smith returned from his captivity, and would be likely to alludeto the romantic story of Pocahontas if Smith had told it on hisescape. We quote:

　　"Decem.--The 10th of December, Mr. Smyth went up the ryver of theChechohomynies to trade for corne; he was desirous to see the headeof that river; and, when it was not passible with the shallop, hehired a cannow and an Indian to carry him up further. The river thehigher grew worse and worse. Then hee went on shoare with his guide,and left Robinson and Emmery, and twoe of our Men, in the cannow;which were presently slayne by the Indians, Pamaonke's men, and heehimself taken prysoner, and, by the means of his guide, his lief wassaved; and Pamaonche, haveing him prisoner, carryed him to hisneybors wyroances, to see if any of them knew him for one of thosewhich had bene, some two or three eeres before us, in a river amongstthem Northward, and taken awaie some Indians from them by force. Atlast he brought him to the great Powaton (of whome before wee had noknowledg), who sent him home to our towne the 8th of January."The next contemporary document to which we have occasion to refer isSmith's Letter to the Treasurer and Council of Virginia in England,written in Virginia after the arrival of Newport there in September,1608, and probably sent home by him near the close of that year. Inthis there is no occasion for a reference to Powhatan or hisdaughter, but he says in it: "I have sent you this Mappe of the Bayand Rivers, with an annexed Relation of the Countryes and Nationsthat inhabit them as you may see at large." This is doubtless the"Map of Virginia," with a description of the country, published sometwo or three years after Smith's return to England, at Oxford, 1612.

　　It is a description of the country and people, and contains littlenarrative. But with this was published, as an appendix, an accountof the proceedings of the Virginia colonists from 1606 to 1612, takenout of the writings of Thomas Studley and several others who had beenresidents in Virginia. These several discourses were carefullyedited by William Symonds, a doctor of divinity and a man of learningand repute, evidently at the request of Smith. To the end of thevolume Dr. Symonds appends a note addressed to Smith, saying:

　　"I return you the fruit of my labors, as Mr. Cranshaw requested me,which I bestowed in reading the discourses and hearing the relationsof such as have walked and observed the land of Virginia with you."These narratives by Smith's companions, which he made a part of hisOxford book, and which passed under his eye and had his approval, areuniformly not only friendly to him, but eulogistic of him, andprobably omit no incident known to the writers which would do himhonor or add interest to him as a knight of romance. Nor does itseem probable that Smith himself would have omitted to mention thedramatic scene of the prevented execution if it had occurred to him.

　　If there had been a reason in the minds of others in 1608 why itshould not appear in the "True Relation," that reason did not existfor Smith at this time, when the discords and discouragements of thecolony were fully known. And by this time the young girl Pocahontashad become well known to the colonists at Jamestown. The account ofthis Chickahominy voyage given in this volume, published in 1612, issigned by Thomas Studley, and is as follows:

　　"The next voyage he proceeded so farre that with much labour bycutting of trees in sunder he made his passage, but when his Bargecould passe no farther, he left her in a broad bay out of danger ofshot, commanding none should go ashore till his returne; himselfewith 2 English and two Salvages went up higher in a Canowe, but hewas not long absent, but his men went ashore, whose want ofgovernment gave both occasion and opportunity to the Salvages tosurprise one George Casson, and much failed not to have cut of theboat and all the rest. Smith little dreaming of that accident, beinggot to the marshes at the river's head, 20 miles in the desert, hadhis 2 men slaine (as is supposed) sleeping by the Canowe, whilsthimselfe by fowling sought them victual, who finding he was beset by200 Salvages, 2 of them he slew, stil defending himselfe with the aidof a Salvage his guid (whome bee bound to his arme and used as hisbuckler), till at last slipping into a bogmire they tooke himprisoner: when this news came to the fort much was their sorrow forhis losse, fewe expecting what ensued. A month those Barbarians kepthim prisoner, many strange triumphs and conjurations they made ofhim, yet he so demeaned himselfe amongst them, as he not onlydiverted them from surprising the Fort, but procured his own liberty,and got himselfe and his company such estimation amongst them, thatthose Salvages admired him as a demi-God. So returning safe to theFort, once more staied the pinnas her flight for England, which tilhis returne could not set saile, so extreme was the weather and sogreat the frost."The first allusion to the salvation of Captain Smith by Pocahontasoccurs in a letter or "little booke" which he wrote to Queen Anne in1616, about the time of the arrival in England of the IndianPrincess, who was then called the Lady Rebecca, and was wife of JohnRolfe, by whom she had a son, who accompanied them. Pocahontas hadby this time become a person of some importance. Her friendship hadbeen of substantial service to the colony. Smith had acknowledgedthis in his "True Relation," where he referred to her as the"nonpareil" of Virginia. He was kind-hearted and naturallymagnanimous, and would take some pains to do the Indian convert afavor, even to the invention of an incident that would make herattractive. To be sure, he was vain as well as inventive, and herewas an opportunity to attract the attention of his sovereign andincrease his own importance by connecting ............