Amongst the Ancients, it was common to transmit to posterity the characters and exploits of memorable men: nor in truth in our own times has the Age, however indifferent about what concerns itself, failed to observe the like usage, whenever any spirit eminent for great and signal virtue has vanquished and triumphed over the blindness of such as cannot distinguish right from wrong, as well as over the spite of malignants; for, spite and blindness are evils common to great States and to small. But, as in those early times there was found greater propensity to feats of renown, and more scope to perform them; so whoever excelled in a happy genius was naturally led to display the merits and memory of the virtuous dead, without all view to court favour, or to gain advantages, but only by the motives and recompense flowing from a benevolent and conscientious mind. Indeed there were several who, in recounting their own lives, concluded, that they thence showed rather a confidence in their own integrity and demeanour than any mark of arrogance. Neither was the account which Rutilius and Scaurus gave of themselves, thence the less credited or the more censured. So true it is, that the several virtues are best understood and most prized, during the same times in which they are most easily produced. But to myself, who am going to relate the life of a person deceased, I find pardon necessary; which I should not have asked, were I not about to revive and traverse times so sanguinary, and baneful to all virtue. We find it recorded, that for celebrating the praises of Paetus Thrasea, Arulenus Rusticus suffered a deadly doom; as did Herennius Senesce, for those of Helvidius Priscus. Nor upon the persons of the authors only was this cruelty inflicted, but also upon the books themselves; since to the Triumvirate of Justice orders were sent, that in the Forum and place of popular elections, the works of men so illustrious for parts and genius should be burned. Yes, in this very fire they imagined, that they should abolish the voice and utterance of the Roman People, with the liberty of the Senate, and all the ideas and remembrances of humankind. For, they had besides expelled all the professors of philosophy, {Footnote: When Vespasian's worthless son "cleared Rome of what most sham'd him:" Domitian banished Epictetus, and the other philosophers.} and driven every laudable science into exile, that nought which was worthy and honest might anywhere be seen. Mighty surely was the testimony which we gave of our patience; and as our forefathers had beheld the ultimate consummation of liberty, so did we of bondage, since through dread of informers and inquisitions of State, we were bereft of the common intercourse of speech and attention. Nay, with our utterance we had likewise lost our memory; had it been equally in our power to forget, as to be silent.
Now indeed at length our spirit returns. Yet, though from the first dawn of this very happy age begun by the reign of Nerva, he blended together two things once found irreconcilable, public liberty and sovereign power; and though Trajan his adopted successor be daily augmenting the felicity of the State; insomuch that for the general security not only hopes and vows are conceived, but even firm assurance follows these vows, and their full accomplishment is seen; such however is the frailty of man and its effects, that much more slow is the progress of the remedies than of the evils; and as human bodies attain their growth by tedious degrees, and are subject to be destroyed in an instant, so it is much easier to suppress than to revive the efforts of genius and study. For, upon the mind there steals a pleasure even in sloth and remissness, and that very inactivity which was at first hated, is at last loved. Will it not be found that during a course of fifteen years (a mighty space in the age of mortal man) numbers perished through fortuitous disasters, and all men noted for promptness and spirit were cut off by the cruelty of the Emperor? Few we are, who have escaped; and if I may so speak, we have survived not only others but even ourselves, when from the middle of our life so many years were rent; whence from being young we are arrived at old age, from being old we are nigh come to the utmost verge of mortality, all in a long course of awful silence. I shall however find no cause of regret from having framed an historical deduction of our former bondage, as also a testimony of the public blessings which at present we enjoy; though, in doing it, my style be negligent and unpolished. To the honour of Agricola my wife's father, this present book is in the meantime dedicated; and, as 'tis a declaration of filial duty and affection, will thence be commended, at least excused.
 
 
 
 
A.D. 40. Cnaeus Julius Agricola was born in the ancient and illustrious Colony of Forojulium, {Footnote: Fréjus.} and both his grandfathers were Procurators to the Emperors; a dignity peculiar to the Equestrian Order. His father Julius Graecinus was a Senator, and noted for eloquence and philosophy. By these his virtues, he earned the wrath of Caligula. For, he was by him ordered to accuse Marcus Silanus, and put to death for refusing. His mother was Julia Procilla, a lady of singular chastity. Under her eye and tender care he was reared, and spent his childhood and youth in the continual pursuit and cultivation of worthy accomplishments. What guarded him from the allurements of the vicious (besides his own virtuous disposition and natural innocence) was, that for the seat and nursery of his studies, whilst yet very little, he had the city of Marseilles; a place well tempered and framed, as in it all the politeness of the Greeks and all the provincial parsimony are blended together. I remember he was wont to declare, that in his early youth he studied Philosophy and the Law with more avidity than was allowable to a Roman and a Senator; till the discretion of his mother checked his spirit, engaged with passion and ardour in the pursuit. In truth, his superior and elevated genius thirsted, with more vehemence than caution, after the loveliness and lustre of a name and renown so mighty and sublime. Reason and age afterwards qualified his heat; and, what is a task extremely hard, he satisfied himself with a limited measure of philosophy.
A.D. 59-62. The first rudiments of war he learnt in Britain, under that prudent and vigilant commander Suetonius Paulinus; by whom he was chosen and distinguished, as his domestic companion. Neither did Agricola behave licentiously, after the manner of young men, who turn warfare into riot; nor assumed the title and office of a Tribune without the sufficiency, in order to use it slothfully in feats of pleasure and absence from duty, but to know the Province, to be known to the army, to learn of such as had experience, to follow such as were worthy and brave, to seek for no exploits for ostentation, to refuse none through fear, and in all his pursuits was equally zealous and active. Indeed at no time had Britain been under greater combustions, nor our affairs there more precarious. Our veterans were slaughtered, our colonies burned down, our armies surprised and taken. At that juncture the struggle was for life; afterwards, for victory. Now though all these affairs were transacted by the counsels and conduct of another than Agricola, and though the stress of the whole, with the glory of recovering the Province, accrued to the General; they all however proved to the young man matters of skill, of experience and stimulation; and there seized his soul a passion for military glory, a spirit disgustful to the times, when of men signally eminent a malignant opinion was entertained, and when as much peril arose from a great character as from a bad.
A.D. 62-68. Departing from hence to Rome for the exercise of public dignities, he there married Domitia Decidiana, a lady splendid in her descent; and to him, who was aspiring to higher honours, this marriage proved a great ornament and support. In marvellous unanimity they also lived, in a course of mutual tenderness and mutual preference; a temper commendable in both, only that the praise of a good wife rises in proportion to the contumely of a bad. His lot as Quaestor fell upon Asia, where he had Salvius Titianus for Proconsul. But neither the Province nor the Proconsul corrupted his probity, though the country was very rich, nay, prepared as a prey for men corruptly disposed; and Titianus, a man bent upon all acts of rapine, was ready, upon the smallest encouragement, to have purchased a mutual connivance in iniquity. In Asia he was enriched by the birth of a daughter, tending at once to his consolation and the support of his family; for the son born to him before, he very soon lost. The interval between his bearing the office of Quaestor and that of Tribune of the People, and even the year of his Tribuneship, he passed in repose and inactivity; as well aware of the spirit of the times under Nero, when sloth and heaviness served for wisdom. With the like indolence he held the Praetorship, and in the same quiet and silence. For upon him the jurisdiction of that dignity fell not. The public pastimes and the empty gaieties of the office, he exhibited according to the rules of good sense and to the measure of his wealth, in a manner though remote from prodigality, yet deserving popular applause. As he was next appointed by Galba to make research into the gifts and oblations appertaining to the temples, he proceeded with such diligence and an examination so strict, that the State suffered from no sacrilege save that of Nero.
A.D. 69 and 70. In the year following he suffered a grievous blow in his spirit and family. For, Otho's fleet, which continued roving upon the coast and pursuing rapine, whilst they were ravaging Intemelium {Footnote: Vinitimiglia.} (a part of Liguria) slew the mother of Agricola upon her estate there, and plundered the estate itself with a great part of her treasure, which had indeed proved the cause of the murder. As he therefore went from Rome to solemnise her funeral, he had tidings upon the road that Vespasian was pursuing the sovereignty, and instantly espoused his party. In the beginning of this reign all the exercise of power and the government of the city, were entirely in the hands of Mucianus; for, Domitian was yet extremely young, and, of the Imperial fortune of his father, assumed nothing further than a latitude for debauchery. Mucianus, who had despatched Agricola to levy forces, and found him to have acted in that trust with uprightness and magnanimity, preferred him to the command of the twentieth legion; as soon as he was informed, that he who commanded it before was engaged in seditious practices. Indeed that legion had with great slowness and reluctance been brought to swear allegiance to Vespasian, nay, was grown over mighty and even formidable to the commanders-in-chief: so that their own commander was found void of authority to control them; though it is uncertain whether from the temper of the man or from that of the soldiers. Thus Agricola was chosen, at once to succeed him, and to punish delinquency in them; and exercising moderation altogether rare, would rather have it thought, that he had found them unblamable than made them so.
A.D. 72. Over Britain at that juncture Vettius Bolanus bore rule, but with more complacency than suited a province so fierce and untamed. Hence Agricola restrained his own heat, and held within bounds the ardour of his spirit, as he was well skilled how to show his obedience, and had thoroughly learned to blend what was honourable with what was profitable: soon after this, Britain received for its Governor Petilius Cerialis, one of Consular quality. The virtue and abilities of Agricola had now ample space for producing suitable effects. But to him at first Cerialis communicated only the dangers and fatigues: with him anon he likewise shared the glory; frequently, for trial of his prowess, committed to his conduct a part of the army; sometimes, according to the measure of his success, set him at the head of forces still larger. Nor did Agricola ever vaunt his exploits to blazon his own fame. To his general, as to the Author of all, he, as his instrument and inferior, still ascribed his good fortune. Thus from his bravery in the execution of his orders, from his modesty in recounting his deeds of bravery, he escaped envy, yet failed not to gain glory.
A.D. 73-78. Upon his return from commanding a legion, the deified Vespasian raised him to the rank of a patrician, and afterwards invested him with the government of the Province of Aquitaine; a government of the foremost dignity, and given as previous to the Consulship, to which that Prince had destined him. There are many who believe, that to military men subtilty of spirit is wanting; for that in camps the direction of process and authority, is rather rough and void of formality; and that where hands and force are chiefly used, there the address and refinements usual to Courts are not exercised. Yet Agricola, assisted by his natural prudence, though he was then engaged only with men of peace and the robe, acquitted himself with great facility and great uprightness. He carefully distinguished the seasons of business and the seasons of recess. Whenever he sat in Council or upon the Tribunals of justice, he was grave, attentive, awful, generally addicted to compassion. The moment he had fulfilled the duties of his office, he personated no longer the man of power: he had then cast off all sternness, all airs of State, and all rigour. Nay, what is very rarely to be seen, his complaisance neither weakened his authority, nor did his severity make him less amiable. It were an injury to the virtues of so great a man, to particularise his just dealings, his temperance, and the cleanness of his hands. {Footnote: "Integritatem atque abstinentiam referre."} In truth glory itself was what he pursued, not by any ostentation of bravery, nor by any strain of artifice or address; though of that pursuit even the best men are often fond. Thus he was far from maintaining any competition with his equals in station, far from any contest with the Procurators of the Prince: since, to conquer in this contention he judged to be no glory; and to be crushed by them were disgrace. His administration here lasted hardly three years, ere he was recalled to the present possession of the Consulship. With this employment there accrued the public opinion, that for his province Britain would be assigned him, from no words which had dropped from him about it, but because he was deemed equal to the office. Common fame does not always err; sometimes it even directs the public choice. To myself yet very young, whilst he was Consul, he contracted his daughter, a young lady even then of excellent hopes, and, at the end of his Consulship, presented her in marriage. He was then forthwith promoted to the government of Britain, as also invested with the honour of the Pontificate.
The account which I shall here present of the situation and people of Britain, a subject about which many authors have written, comes not from any design of setting up my own exactness and genius against theirs, but only because the country was then first thoroughly subdued. So that such matters as former writers have, without knowing them, embellished with eloquence, will by me be recounted according to the truth of evidence and discoveries. Of all the islands which have reached the knowledge of the Romans, Britain is the largest. It extends towards Germany to the east, towards Spain to the west. To the south it looks towards Gaul. Its northern shore, beyond which there is no land, is beaten by a sea vast and boundless. {Footnote: "Belluosus, qui remotis Obstrepit Oceanus Britannis."} Britain is by Livy and Fabius Rusticus, the former the most eloquent of the ancient historians, the latter of the moderns, compared in shape to an oblong shield, or a broad knife with two edges. And such in effect is its figure on this side Caledonia, whence common opinion has thus also fashioned the whole. But a tract of territory huge and unmeasurable stretches forward to the uttermost shore, and straitening by degrees, terminates like a wedge. Round the coast of this sea, which beyond it has no land, the Roman fleet now first sailed, and thence proved Britain to be an island, as also discovered and subdued the Isles of Orkney till then unknown. Thule was likewise descried, hitherto hid by winter under eternal snow. This sea they report to be slow and stagnate, difficult to the rowers, and indeed hardly to be raised by the force of winds. This I conjecture to be because land and mountains, which are the cause and materials of tempests, very rarely occur in proportion to the mighty mass of water, a mass so deep and uninterrupted as not to be easily agitated. An inquiry into the nature of the ocean and of the tide, is not the purpose of this work, and about it many have written. One thing I would add, that nowhere is the power of the sea more extensive than here, forcing back the waters of many rivers, or carrying them away with its own; nor is its flux and ebbings confined to the banks and shore; but it works and winds itself far into the country, nay forms bays in rocks and mountains, as if the same were its native bed.
For the rest; who were the first inhabitants of Britain, whether natives of its own, or foreigners, can be little known amongst a people thus barbarous. In their looks and persons they vary; from whence arguments and inferences are formed. For, the red hair of the Caledonians and their large limbs, testify their descent to be from Germany. The swarthy complexion of the Silures, and their hair, which is generally curled, with their situation opposite to the coast of Spain, furnish ground to believe, that the ancient Iberians had arrived from thence here, and taken possession of the territory. They who live next to Gaul are also like the Gauls; whether it be that the spirit of the original stock from which they sprang, still remains, or whether in countries near adjoining, the genius of the climate confers the same form and disposition upon the bodies of men. To one who considers the whole, it seems however credible, that the Gauls at first occupied this their neighbouring coast. That their sacred rites are the same, you may learn from their being possessed with the same superstition of every sort. Their speech does not much vary. In daring and dangers they are prompted by the like boldness, and with the like affright avoid them when they approach. In the Britons however superior ferocity and defiance is found, as in a people not yet softened by a long peace. For we learn from history, that the Gauls too flourished in warlike prowess and renown: amongst them afterwards, together with peace and idleness, there entered effeminacy; and thus with the loss of their liberty they lost their spirit and magnanimity. The same happened to those of the Britons who were conquered long ago. The rest still continue such as the Gauls once were.
Their principal force consists in their foot. Some nations amongst them make also war in chariots. The more honourable person always drives: under his leading his followers fight. They were formerly subject to Kings. They are now swayed by several chiefs, and rent into factions and parties, according to the humour and passions of those their leaders. Nor against nations thus powerful does aught so much avail us, as that they consult not in a body for the security of the whole. It is rare that two or three communities assemble and unite to repulse any public danger threatening to all. So that whilst only a single community fought at a time, they were every one vanquished. The sky from frequent clouds and rain is dull and hazy. Excessive cold they feel not. Their days in length surpass ours. Their nights are very clear, and at the extremity of the country, very short; so that between the setting and return of the day, you perceive but small interval. They affirm, that were it not for the intervention of clouds, the rays of the sun would be seen in the night, and that he doth not rise and fall, but only pass by: for that the extremities of the earth, which are level, yielding but a low shadow, prevent darkness from rising high and spreading; and thence night is far short of reaching the stars and the sky. The soil is such, that except the olive and the vine, and other vegetables, which are wont to be raised in hotter climes, it readily bears all fruits and grain, and is very fertile. It quickly produces, but its productions ripen slowly; and of both these effects there is the same cause, the extreme humidity of the earth and of the sky. Britain yields gold and silver, with other metals, all which prove the prize and reward of the Conquerors. The sea also breeds pearls, but of a dark and livid hue, a defect by some ascribed to the unskilfulness of such as gather them. For, in the Red Sea they are pulled from the rocks alive and vigorous. In Britain they are gathered at random, such as the sea casts them upon the shore. For myself; I am much apter to believe, that nature has failed to give the pearls perfection, than that we fail in avarice. {Footnote: "Ego facilius crediderim naturam margaritis de esse; quam nobis avaritiam."}
The Britons themselves are a people who cheerfully comply with the levies of men, and with the imposition of taxes, and with all the duties enjoined by Government; provided they receive no illegal treatment and insults from their governors: those they bear with impatience. Nor have the Romans any further subdued them than only to obey just laws, but never to submit to be slaves. Even the deified Julius Caesar, the first of all the Romans who entered Britain with an army, though by gaining a battle he frightened the natives, and became master of the coast; {Footnote: Caesar conquered to the north of the Thames.} yet may be thought to have rather presented posterity with a view of the country, than to have conveyed down the possession. Anon the civil wars ensued, and against the Commonwealth were turned the arms of her own chiefs and leaders. Thus Britain was long forgot, and continued to be so even during peace. This was what Augustus called Reason of State, but what Tiberius styled the Ordinance of Augustus. That Caligula meditated an invasion of Britain in person, is well known: but he possessed a spirit, as precipitate and wild, so presently surfeited with any design whatever; besides that all his mighty efforts against Germany were quite baffled. The deified Claudius accomplished the undertaking; having thither transported the legions, with a number of auxiliary forces, and associated Vespasian into the direction of the design: an incident which proved the introduction to his approaching fortune. There, nations were subdued, Kings taken captive, and Vespasian placed to advantage in the eye of the Fates.
The first Governor of Consular quality, was Aulus Plautius, then Ostorius Scapula, both signal in war: and by degrees the nearest part of Britain was reduced into the condition of a Province. To secure it, a colony of veterans was likewise settled. To the British King Cogidunus certain communities were given, a Prince who even till our times continued in perfect fidelity to us. For, with the Roman People it is a custom long since received, and practised of old, that for establishing the bondage of nations, they are to employ even Kings as their instruments. Afterwards followed Didius Gallus, and just preserved what acquisitions his predecessors had made; only that further in the island he raised some forts, and very few they were, purely for the name and opinion of having enlarged his government. Next to Didius came Veranius, and died in less than a year. Then immediately succeeded Suetonius Paulinus, who during two years commanded with success, subdued fresh nations and established garrisons. Trusting to these he went to assail the Isle of Anglesey, as a place which supplied the revolters with succours, and thus left the country behind him exposed to the enemy.
For, the Britons, when through the absence of the Governor they were eased of their fear, began to commune together concerning the miseries of bondage, to recount their several grievances, and so to construe and heighten their injuries as effectually to inflame their resentments. "Their patience," they said, "availed them nothing, further than to invite the imposition of heavier burdens upon a people who thus tamely bore any. In times past they had only a single King: they were now surrendered to two. One of these the Governor-General, tyrannised over their bodies and lives; the Imperial Procurator, who was the other, over their substance and fortunes. Equally pernicious to their subjects was any variance between these their rulers, as their good intelligence and unanimity. Against them the one employed his own predatory bands, as did the other his Centurions and their men; and both exercised violence alike, both treated them with equal insults and contumely. To such height was oppression grown, that nothing whatever was exempt from their avarice, nothing whatever from their lust. He who in the day of battle spoiled others, was always stronger than they. But here it was chiefly by the cowardly and effeminate that their houses were seized, their children forced away, and their men obliged to enlist; as if their country were the only thing for which the Britons knew not how to die. In truth, what a small force would all the soldiers arrived in the island appear; would the Britons but compute their own numbers? It was from this consideration that Germany had thrown off the same yoke, though a country defended only by a river, and not like this, by the ocean. To animate themselves to take arms, they had their country, their wives, their parents; whilst these their oppressors were prompted by nothing but their avarice and sensuality: nor would they fail to withdraw from the island, as even the deified Julius had withdrawn, would the natives but imitate the bravery of their forefathers, and not be dismayed with the issue of an encounter or two. Amongst people like themselves reduced to misery, superior ardour was ever found, as also greater firmness and perseverance. Towards the Britons, at this juncture even the Gods manifested compassion, since they thus kept the Roman General at such a distance, thus held the Roman army confined in another island. Nay, already they themselves had gained a point the most difficult to be gained, that they could now deliberate about measures common to all: for, doubtless more perilous it were to be discovered forming such counsels, than openly to put them in execution."
When with these and the like reasons they had instigated one another, they unanimously took arms under the leading of Boudicea, {Footnote: Boadicea.} a woman of royal descent; for, in conferring sovereignty, they make no distinction of sexes. They then forthwith assailed on every side the soldiers dispersed here and there in forts, and having stormed and sacked the several garrisons, fell upon the colony itself, as the seat and centre of public servitude: nor was any kind of cruelty omitted, with which rage and victory could possibly inspire the hearts of Barbarians. In truth, had not Paulinus, upon learning the revolt of the Province, come with notable speed to its relief, Britain had been lost. Yet by the success of a single battle, he reduced the country to its old subjection, though several continued in arms, such namely as were conscious of inciting the rebellion, and under personal dread from the spirit of the Governor. He, though otherwise a signal commander, yet treated such as had surrendered themselves in a manner very imperious; and, as one who likewise avenged his own particular injury, thence exerted the greater rigour. Insomuch that in his room Petronius Turpilianus was sent, as one whose behaviour would prove more relenting, one who being unacquainted with the delinquencies of the enemies, would be more gentle in accepting their remorse and submission. Turpilianus, when he had quite appeased the late commotions, ventured upon nothing further, and then delivered the Province to Trebellius Maximus. He, still more unwarlike and inactive than his predecessor, and nowise trained in camps and armies, maintained the tranquillity of the Province by a method of softness and complaisance. The Barbarians had now likewise learned to forgive such vices as humoured them in pleasure and ease. Moreover, the civil wars which then intervened, furnished a proper excuse for the lazy behaviour of the Governor. But he found himself greatly embarrassed with faction and discord; for that the soldiers, who had ever been inured to expeditions and feats in the field, were through idleness grown turbulent and licentious. Trebellius, by flight and lurking, escaped the present fury of the army: he afterwards resumed the command, but with an authority altogether precarious, without all spirit and destitute of all dignity; as if between him and them articles had been settled, that the soldiers should retain their licentious behaviour, and the General be permitted to enjoy his life. During this mutiny no blood was spilled. Neither did Vettius Bolanus, as the civil war yet subsisted, exert any discipline in Britain. Towards the enemy there still remained the same sloth and negligence, with the same insolent spirit in the camp: this difference only there was, that Bolanus was a man perfectly innocent; and being subject to no hate, as he was free from all crimes, he had instead of authority over them, only gained their affections.
But, when Vespasian had, with the possession of the world, also recovered Britain, in it were seen great commanders, noble armies, and the hopes of the enemy quite abated, Petilius Cerialis, particularly, at his first entrance, struck them at once with general terror, by attacking the community of the Brigantes, reckoned the most populous of the whole Province. There followed many encounters, such as sometimes proved very bloody. So that he held most part of their country as his conquest, or continued to ravage it by war. In truth, though the exploits of Cerialis would have eclipsed the vigilance and fame of any other successor, yet Julius Frontinus sustained in his turn the mighty task; and, as he was a man as great and able as he found scope and safety to be, he by the sword utterly subdued the powerful and warlike nation of the Silures; though besides the bravery of the enemy, he was likewise obliged to struggle with the difficulties of places and situation.
A.D. 78. Such was the condition in which Agricola found Britain, such to have been the vicissitudes of the war there, upon his arrival about the middle of summer, a time when the Roman soldiers, supposing the service of the season to be concluded, were securely bent upon inaction and repose, as were the enemy upon any opportunity to annoy the Romans. The Community of the Ordovicans had not long before his coming slaughtered, almost entirely, a band of horse stationed upon their confines; and by an essay so notable the Province in general became roused; while such as were intent upon present war, commended the action as an example and a call to the whole, and others were for delaying till they had discovered the spirit of the new Lieutenant-General. Now though the summer was over, though the troops were severed and lay dispersed over the Province, though the soldiers had assured themselves of rest for the residue of the year (a heavy obstacle and very discouraging to one who is commencing war), nay, though many judged it better only to guard the places which were threatened and precarious; yet Agricola determined to meet the danger. Hence drawing together the choice bands of the legions, with a small body of auxiliaries, he led them against the Ordovicans; and as these dared not descend into equal ground, he, who by sharing equal danger, would inspire his men with equal courage, marching in person before his army, conducted them to the encounter upon the ascent. Almost the whole nation was here cut off; but as he was well aware, that it behoved him to urge and maintain this his fame, and that with the issue of his first attempts all the rest would correspond, he conceived a design to reduce the Isle of Anglesey, a conquest from which Paulinus was recalled by the general revolt of Britain, as above I have recounted. But, as this counsel was suddenly concerted, and therefore ships were found wanting, such was the firmness and capacity of the General, that without ships he transported his men. From the auxiliaries he detached all their chosen men, such as knew the fords, and according to the usage of their country were dexterous in swimming, so as, in the water, at once to manage themselves, and their horses and arms. These, unencumbered with any of their baggage, he caused to make a descent and onset so sudden, that the enemy were quite struck with consternation, as men who apprehended nothing but a fleet and transports, and a formal invasion by sea, and now believed no enterprise difficult and insurmountable to such as came thus determined to war. Thus they sued for peace and even surrendered the island; and thence Agricola was already considered as a very great and even renowned commander: for that, at his first entrance into the Province, a time which other governors are wont to waste in show and parade, or in courting compliment and addresses, he preferred feats of labour and of peril. Nor did he apply this his good fortune and success to any purpose of vainglory: so that upon the bridling of such as were vanquished before, he would not bestow the title of an expedition or of victory; nor in truth would he so much as with the bare honour of the laurel distinguish these his exploits. But even by disguising his fame, he enlarged it; as men considered how vast must be his future views, when he thus smothered in silence deeds so noble.
For the rest; as he was acquainted with the temper of the people in his Province; as he had also learned from the conduct and experience of others, that little is gained by arms where grievances and oppressions follow, he determined to cut off all the causes of war. Beginning therefore with himself and those appertaining to him, he checked and regulated his own household; a task which to many proves not less difficult than that of governing a province. By none of his domestics, bond or freed, was aught that concerned the public transacted. In raising the soldiers to a superior class, he was swayed by no personal interest or partiality, nor by the recommendation and suit of the Centurions, but by his own opinion and persuasion, that the best soldiers were ever the most faithful. All that passed he would know; though all that was amiss he would not punish. Upon small offences he bestowed pardon; for such as were great he exercised proportionable severity. Nor did he always exact the punishment assigned, but frequently was satisfied with compunction and remorse. In conferring offices and employments he rather chose men who would not transgress, than such as he must afterwards condemn for transgressing. Though the imposition of tribute and of grain had been augmented, yet he softened it by causing a just and equal distribution of all public burdens; since he abolished whatever exactions had been devised for the lucre of particulars, and were therefore borne with more regret than the tribute itself. For, the inhabitants were forced to bear the mockery of attending at their own barns, locked up by the publicans, and of purchasing their own corn of the monopolists, nay, of selling it afterwards back again at a poor price. They were moreover enjoined to take long journeys, and carry grain across the several countries to places extremely distant; insomuch that the several communities, instead of supplying the winter-quarters which lay adjoining, must furnish such as were remote and difficultly travelled, to the end, that what was easy to be had by all, might produce gain to a few.
A.D. 79. By suppressing these grievances immediately in his first year, he gained a high character to a state of peace; a state which, either through the neglect or connivance of his predecessors, was till then dreaded no less than that of war. But, upon the coming of summer, he assembled his army; then proceeded to commend such of the men who in marching observed their duty and rank, and to check such as were loose and straggling. He himself always chose the ground for encamping: the salt marshes, friths, and woods he himself always first examined, and to the enemies all the while allowed not a moment's quiet or recess, but was ever distressing them with sudden incursions and ravages. Then, having sufficiently alarmed and terrified them, his next course was to spare them, thus to tempt them with the sweetness and allurements of peace. By this conduct, several communities which till that day had asserted a state of equality and independence, came to lay down all hostility, gave hostages, and were begirt with garrisons and fortresses, erected with such just contrivance and care, that no part of Britain hitherto known escaped thenceforward from being annoyed by them.
The following winter was employed in measures extremely advantageous and salutary. For, to the end that these people, thus wild and dispersed over the country, and thence easily instigated to war, might by a taste of pleasures be reconciled to inactivity and repose, he first privately exhorted them, then publicly assisted them, to build temples, houses and places of assembling. Upon such as were willing and assiduous in these pursuits he heaped commendations, and reproofs upon the lifeless and slow. So that a competition for this distinction and honour, had all the force of necessity. He was already taking care to have the sons of their chiefs taught the liberal sciences, already preferring the natural capacity of the Britons to the studied acquirements of the Gauls; and such was his success, that they who had so lately scorned to learn the Roman language, were become fond of acquiring the Roman eloquence. Thence they began to honour our apparel, and the use of the Roman gown grew frequent amongst them. {Footnote: "Inde etiam habitus nostri honor, et frequens toga."} By degrees they proceeded to the incitements and charms of vice and dissoluteness, to magnificent galleries, sumptuous bagnios, and all the stimulations and elegance of banqueting. Nay, all this innovation was by the unexperienced styled politeness and humanity, when it was indeed part of their bondage.
A.D. 80. During the third year of his command, in pursuit of his conquests he discovered new people, by continuing his devastations through the several nations quite to the mouth of the Tay: so the frith is called. Whence such terror seized the foe, that they durst not attack our army though sorely shaken and annoyed by terrible tempests: nay, the Romans had even time to secure possession by erecting forts. It was observed of Agricola by men of experience, that never had any captain more sagely chosen his stations for commodiousness and situation; for that no place of strength founded by him, was ever taken by violence, or abandoned upon articles or despair. From these their strongholds frequent excursions were made; for, against any long siege they were supplied with provisions for a year. Thus they passed the winter there without all apprehension: every single fort defended itself. So that in all their attempts upon them the enemies were baffled, and thence reduced to utter despair; for that they could not, as formerly they were wont, repair their losses in the summer by their success in the winter; since now whether it were winter or summer, they were equally defeated. Neither did Agricola ever arrogate to himself the glory of exploits performed by others: were he a Centurion or were he Commander of a legion, in the General he was sure to find a sincere witness of his achievements. By some he is said to have been over sharp in his reproofs, since he was one who, as to them that were good he abounded in courtesy, appeared withal stern and unpleasant to the bad. But from his anger no spleen remained. In him you had no dark reserves, no boding silence to fear. More honourable he thought it to give open offence than to foster secret hate.
A.D. 81. The fourth summer was employed in settling and securing what territories he had overrun: indeed would the bravery of the armies and the glory of the Roman name, have suffered it, there had been then found in Britain itself a boundary to our conquests there. For, into the rivers Glota and Bodotria {Footnote: The Clyde and Forth.} the tide from each opposite sea flows so vastly far up the country, that their heads are parted only by a narrow neck of land, which was now secured with garrisons. Thus of all on this side we were already masters; since the enemy were driven as it were into another island.
A.D. 82. In the fifth year of the war, Agricola passing the Frith, himself in the first ship that landed, in many and successful encounters subdued nations till that time unknown, and placed forces in that part of Britain which fronts Ireland, more from future views than from any present fear. In truth Ireland, as it lies just between Britain and Spain, and is capable of an easy communication with the coast of Gaul, would have proved of infinite use in linking together these powerful limbs of the Empire. In size it is inferior to Britain, but surpasses the islands in our sea. In soil and climate, as also in the temper and manners of the natives, it varies little from Britain. Its ports and landings are better known, through the frequency of commerce and merchants. A petty King of the country, expelled by domestic dissension, was already received into protection by Agricola, and under the appearance of friendship, reserved for a proper occasion. By him I have often heard it declared, that with a single legion and a few auxiliaries Ireland might be conquered and preserved; nay, that such an acquisition were of moment for the securing of Britain, if, on all sides the Roman arms were seen, and all national liberty banished as it were out of sight.
A.D. 83. For the rest; on the summer which began the sixth year of his administration, as it was apprehended, that the nations forward would universally take arms, and that the ways were all infe............