THE CZAR AT THE DUMA—THE CAMPAIGN IN GALICIA—OUR LIFE AT G.H.Q.—GROWING DISAFFECTION IN THE REAR (1916)
 
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THE Czar had returned to G.H.Q. alone on December 25th, and three days later he reviewed on the Galician frontier the divisions of the Guard which had been concentrated in view of an imminent offensive. The absence of Alexis Nicola?evitch was a real sorrow to him, as he had been looking forward eagerly to presenting him to his Guard. He had then returned to Mohileff.
Towards the end of the year 1915 the military situation of the Russians had greatly improved. The army had taken advantage of the quiet months which followed the conclusion of the great German offensive at the end of September, 1915, and, thanks to the enormous reserves in man-power at the disposal of the country, it had easily made good the very heavy losses it had suffered in the retreat. Once more the Germans found themselves baulked of the great prize they had promised themselves—a prize which their brilliant successes at the opening of the campaign seemed to have assured. They had growing doubts about their ability to overcome the stubborn Russian resistance by arms, and by clever propaganda and cunning intrigues they were now endeavouring to stir up such{162} disaffection in the interior of the country as would hasten, they hoped, the consummation so devoutly to be desired. But in the person of the Czar they found an insurmountable obstacle to the realisation of their designs. That obstacle must be removed.
By assuming the command of his troops and thus staking his crown on the struggle, the Czar had definitely deprived his enemies of all hopes of a reconciliation. At Berlin the authorities now knew that Nicholas II. would stand by his allies to the bitter end, and that all attempts at a rapprochement would be broken against his unswerving determination to continue the war at any cost. They also knew that the Czar was the sole bond between the different parties in the Empire, and that once it was removed no organised power would be capable of averting dismemberment and anarchy.
The German General Staff therefore devoted itself unceasingly to ruin the prestige of the monarchy and bring about the downfall of the Czar. To attain that object the essential step was to compromise the Czar in the eyes of his people and his allies. Germany had in Russia many sources of intelligence and powerful means of action, and she devoted herself to spreading the idea that the Czar was thinking of liquidating the war and making a separate peace.
The Czar decided to nip these intrigues in the bud and to define his intentions beyond doubt. On January 2nd, at Zamirie, where he was inspecting the regiments of General Kuropatkin’s army, he ended his address to the troops with the following formal declaration:
“You need have no fear. As I announced at the beginning of the war, I will not make peace until we have driven the last enemy soldier beyond our frontiers, nor will I conclude{163} peace except by agreement with our allies, to whom we are bound not only by treaties but by sincere friendship and the blood spilt in a common cause.”
Nicholas II. thus confirmed in the presence of his army that solemn compact which had been entered upon on August 2nd, 1914, and renewed when he had become Commander-in-Chief of the Russian armies. The Government was anxious to give the widest possible publicity to the Czar’s speech, and had it printed and distributed among the armies and in the country districts.
In January and February the Czar continued his visits to the front and G.H.Q. (it was at Mohileff that he spent the Russian New Year), and returned to Tsarsko?e-Selo on February 21st, the day before the opening of the Duma. Five days before, the news of the capture of the fortress of Erzerum, which had so long been the backbone of the Turkish resistance, had caused great joy throughout Russia. It was certainly a fine success, and the offensive of the army of the Caucasus continued to make rapid headway.
The morning after his arrival the Czar carried out his intention of going with his brother, the Grand-Duke Michael, to the Tauride Palace, where the Duma was to resume its labours that day. It was the first time that the representatives of the nation had received a visit from their sovereign, and in political circles great importance was attached to this historical event. It bore witness to the Czar’s ardent desire for closer co-operation with the people’s representatives, and the step was particularly warmly welcomed, as confidence in the Government had been shaken as the result of the reverses suffered by the army and the crushing charges made against the former Minister of War, General Sukhomlinoff.{164}
The Czar was received on his arrival at the Tauride Palace by M. Rodzianko, President of the Duma, who conducted him into the Catherine Hall, where he was present at a Te Deum to celebrate the capture of Erzerum. Then turning to the deputies, the Czar expressed his great pleasure at being among them, and voiced his absolute conviction that in the tragic days through which Russia was passing they would all unite their efforts and work together in perfect harmony for the welfare of the country. His words were received with vociferous cheers.
The Czar withdrew after a visit to the chambers and offices of the Tauride Palace. Half an hour later the President, in opening the session, ended his speech with these words:
“The direct association of the Czar with his people, that benefit which is inestimable and indispensable to the prosperity of the Russian Empire, is now strengthened by a tie which is still more potent. This good news will fill all hearts with, joy even in the remotest corners of our land, and give fresh courage to our glorious soldiers, the defenders of their country.”
On that memorable day it seemed that the sovereign, the Ministers, and the representatives of the nation had one thought, and one thought alone—to conquer at whatever cost.
The same evening the Czar went to the Council of State, which was also resuming its labours that day. Then he returned to Tsarsko?e-Selo, which he left next morning for G.H.Q. This was the time of the great onslaught on Verdun, and it was essential that Russia should intervene without delay in order to draw a larger portion of the German forces upon herself. It was decided to take the offensive.
The attack was launched about March 15th in the Dvinsk and Vilna sectors, and at first it was crowned with success,{165} but the progress of the Russians was slow, for the Germans offered a very stubborn resistance. There had been a thaw, the roads were almost impracticable, and the men had to wade through mud and marsh. The attack died down about the beginning of April and soon came to a standstill. Yet the diversion had borne fruit, for the Germans had found themselves compelled to send considerable reinforcements to the threatened sectors.
 
Alexis Nicola?evitch had remained very weak as the result of the excessive h?morrhage which had so endangered his life in December. It was February before he was quite strong again, but the Czarina had learned from experience, and intended to keep him at Tsarsko?e-Selo until the return of the fine weather.[41]
I was far from complaining of the Czarina’s decision, for the Czarevitch’s education was suffering as the result of our long visits to the front.
We did not return to G.H.Q. until May 17th. The Czar was to remain there for a considerable time. A fortnight after our arrival—on June 4th—the great offensive of General Brussiloff opened in Galicia. It was a complete triumph, and our successes were greatly extended in the following days. Under the pressure of the Russian army the Austrian front gave way and was withdrawn towards Lemberg. The number of prisoners was very large, and the situation of the Austrians in{166} the Lutzk sector became highly critical. The news of this fine victory was received with immense enthusiasm at G.H.Q. It was to be the last cause of rejoicing for the Czar.
Since our return to Headquarters our life had followed the same course as during our previous visits, though I no longer gave the Czarevitch his lessons in his father’s study, but in a little verandah which we had converted into a schoolroom or in a large tent in the garden, which was also our dining-room. It was here that the Czar took his meals after the hot weather began. We took advantage of the fine summer days to go sailing on the Dnieper. We had the use of a small yacht which had been placed at our disposal by the Ministry of Ways and Communications.
From time to time the Czarina and the Grand-Duchesses paid short visits to G.H.Q. They lived in their train, but joined the Czar at lunch and came with us on our excursions. The Czar in return dined with the Czarina and spent part of the evening with his family whenever he could. The Grand-Duchesses greatly enjoyed these visits to Mohileff—all too short to their taste—which meant a little change in their monotonous and austere lives. They had far more freedom here than at Tsarsko?e-Selo. As is so often the case in Russia, the station at Mohileff was a very long way from the town and almost in the open country. The Grand-Duchesses spent their spare time visiting the peasants of the neighbourhood or the families of railway employees. Their simple ways and natural kindness soon won all hearts, and as they adored children you could see them always accompanied by a mob of ragamuffins collected on their walks and duly stuffed with sweets.
Unfortunately, life at Mohileff grievously interrupted Alexis
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THREE OF THE GRAND-DUCHESSES (OLGA, ANASTASIE, AND TATIANA) VISITING THE WIFE AND CHILDREN OF A RAILWAY EMPLOYEE AT MOHILEFF.
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THE CZARINA AND THE GRAND-DUCHESS TATIANA TALKING TO REFUGEES. MOHILEFF, MAY, 1916.
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Nicola?evitch’s studies and was also bad for his health. The impressions he gained there were too numerous and exciting for so delicate a nature as his. He became nervous, fretful, and incapable of useful work. I told the Czar what I thought. He admitted that my objections were well founded, but suggested that these drawbacks were compensated for by the fact that his son was losing his timidity and natural wildness, and that the sight of all the misery he had witnessed would give him a salutary horror of war for the rest of his life.
But the longer we stayed at the front the stronger was my conviction that it was doing the Czarevitch a lot of harm. My position was becoming difficult, and on two or three occasions I had to take strong steps with the boy. I had an idea that the Czar did not entirely approve, and did not back me up as much as he might have done. As I was extremely tired by my work in the last three years—I had had no holiday since September, 1913—I decided to ask for a few weeks’ leave. My colleague, M. Petroff, came to take my place, and I left General Headquarters on July 14th.
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