President Johnson Hears What the “People Say”  
Upon my return from the Fort on the 30th of January I redoubled my pleadings for Mr. Clay’s release, both by correspondence and by visits to the White House. The President’s bearing toward me was courteous and friendly, though it was apparent the confusion of the times and the pressure which was being brought upon him on every side was troubling him; but, notwithstanding that he listened and with every evidence of sympathy, Mr. Johnson continued irresolute, deferring from time to time on what, in fact, seemed the most trivial excuses, the issuing of the release papers. If I called once at the White House during the weeks that followed, I called fifty times, incessantly suing for my husband’s freedom, and adding sometimes a plea for the pardons of friends and neighbours in Huntsville who were eager to resume their normal positions in the community. In the middle of February I was enabled to write home as follows:
“My Dear Father: I send your long-sued-for pardon. Act upon its requirements at once! I am pressing my husband’s case and never mean to stop until success crowns my efforts. I am emboldened to hope the day not far distant when he will be a free man! Great political excitement now reigns.... The President is very kind to me always.”
Notwithstanding there were times when my own heart sank to an almost hopeless state, I wrote thus hopefully to the patriarch at home, for each post told me of his increasing feebleness, and I longed to sustain him, at least until my husband’s release was accomplished.
355“God bless you!” wrote my sister, Mrs. J. Withers Clay, early in March, “and give you success! I asked father to send you some special message. He replied, ‘Give her my best love, and tell her for God’s sake to tell me when my poor boy will be pardoned!’”
These appeals, as will be understood, were the private agonies which acted like a lash to spur me to the end of the task of securing my husband’s freedom, and to stimulate me, even in the face of the continued delays which now were become so inexplicable.
Early in February a change in public feeling began to be made manifest in the press. The mystery of the detention of the prisoners at Fortress Monroe without trial was arousing curiosity. The New York Herald, thanks to the intervention of our friend, Colonel Robert Barnwell Rhett (of the doughty and fearless Charleston Mercury), who had presented Mr. Clay’s case to Mr. Bennett, now began to make inquiry in the cases of the unjustly treated prisoners.
“Dear Mrs. Clay,” wrote Colonel Rhett, late in December, “having the opportunity of a good talk with Mr. Bennett, of the New York Herald, day before yesterday, I urged him to come out for the release of your husband. He said he did not know much about the business! I told him Mr. Clay was universally recognised to be one of the purest and most high-minded public men in the country—one wholly incapable of anything criminal or questionable; and that he had gone to Canada at the solicitation of Mr. Davis to communicate with the Peace Party of the North. I reminded him that, after the collapse of the Confederate Government, when a reward was offered for his arrest, Mr. Clay had voluntarily and promptly surrendered himself, asking an investigation; and that no intelligent man in the country who knew anything of our public men believed the charges to be other than frivolous and absurd. I added 356that Mr. Clay’s prolonged captivity was regarded simply as an outrage on propriety, and that if he, Mr. Bennett, would take the subject in hand, he would greatly gratify the Southern people.
“He showed an interest in the matter, and said he would take it up in the Herald. That paper, you are aware, aims to reflect the current public opinion, irrespective of parties, and now warmly supports President Johnson against the Radicals. It is a great power, and by preparing the public mind and strengthening the President, may aid you efficiently.”
The results of this interview by no means met the hopes of Colonel Rhett, however; for the utterances of Mr. Bennett’s paper were few and guarded. But they were as a straw showing the veering of the wind.
“I was disappointed in Mr. Bennett’s fulfilment of his promise to speak in Mr. Clay’s behalf in the Herald,” ran a second letter from our friend. “A few incidental expressions of opinion and a communication published did not come up to my expectations. If you feel disposed to write, Mrs. Bennett is the channel by which to reach him. She told me she sympathised with the South in her feelings, and admired Southerners.... In failing to deal with the case as you present it, the President must be very feeble in the article of nerve, touching his War Secretary and other Radical adversaries. Yet the widow prevailed with the unjust Judge, and I trust your importunity may weary the cautious Tennesseean into decided steps for Mr. Clay’s release!
“Yours, etc.,
“R. Barnwell Rhett.”
Early in the month of February two important letters reached me through Mr. R. J. Haldeman. They were addressed to the President, and bore the signature of Thaddeus Stevens and R. J. Walker, respectively. Since my letter addressed to him in May, 1865, Mr. Haldeman’s 357efforts had been unremitting to interest in my husband’s behalf those whose recommendations were likely to have most weight with the President and his advisers. He now wrote me as follows:
“Mrs. C. C. Clay, Jr.
“My Dear Madam: I inclose you a very handsome letter from the Honourable R. J. Walker to the President. I also sent you the letter of Mr. Stevens, which has become of some importance in view of Mr. Stevens’s recent utterances. Mr. Walker considers it of the highest importance, and wonders how I obtained it.
“After seeing you, I called on Mr. S—— in reference to the proposed visit (to you), but found him brooding over the violent speech which he has since made. I did not therefore deem it prudent to insist upon the performance of his promise, and am confirmed in my judgment by events.
“During the day I heard something which convinced me the President would not then act. This I could not bring myself to tell you, and therefore obeyed a hasty summons to New York by an unceremonious departure from Washington. As the future unfolds, I hope to be again at Washington, and at the propitious moment. I hope you will keep up your good spirits, for, upon the faith of a somewhat phlegmatic and never over-sanguine Dutchman, I think the period of Mr. Clay’s release approaches rapidly.... Mr. Walker, however, desires me to say to you that ‘as we must all go to Clay at last, why not go at once?’ I think this pointed witticism would bear repetition to the President. I am, very respectfully, Madam,
Yours,
“February 3, 1866.
“R. J. Haldeman.”
As I had done in the case of General Grant’s letter, I now hastened to send to the President the letters from Thaddeus Stevens and Judge Walker, both of whom recommended the prompt release of Mr. Clay. The letter from R. J. Walker was what might have been expected from an old friend of Mr. Clay’s; that from Mr. Stevens, the most radical of Radicals, was a source of some astonishment. It was not the only surprise of those weeks, however.
358“I have had strange visitors lately,” I wrote to father. “Some extremists of the Radical party have called upon me to assure me of their belief in my husband’s innocence!” And in my diary of the 14th of that fateful February, I find entered: “When will wonders cease? Who but the Honourable Mr. Wilson, of Massachusetts, has called, and voluntarily, to say he will do anything in his power for me or Mr. Clay; knows he is innocent; believes Mr. Davis to be also innocent! It is the goodness of God!”
The circumstances of Mr. Wilson’s unexpected visit were altogether dramatic. I was seated at the dinner-table with the family of Mrs. Parker, when, it being still early in the evening, a visitor was announced who declined to give his name or the purpose for which he had called.
“Tell Mrs. Clay that a friend wishes to see her,” was his message. A sudden remembrance flashed over me, and, indeed, over the friends around me, of the secret warning I had received just after my arrival in Washington, viz.: that I must be on my guard against strange visitors. After a few moments’ consultation with the family, I decided to see the stranger. Doctor Maury, Mrs. Parker’s son-in-law (who had been Chief of Staff on General Longstreet’s medical staff, and was a brave and charming man), accompanied me to the drawing-room door, encouraging me by telling me to have no fear, as he would remain near by. As I entered the room the Doctor drew back into the hall. He was prepared, he assured me, for any emergency.
Great, indeed, was my astonishment upon entering, to see, rising to meet me, Senator Wilson, Vice-President of the United States! To that moment I had had no acquaintance with the Massachusetts Senator, though I had seen him often on the floor of the Senate. Though seized with an inward panic of apprehension that he 359was the bearer of some dreadful tidings, I took the proffered hand of my strange visitor, obeying mechanically an instinct of responsive courtesy. For a moment, however, fear made me speechless. At last, Mr. Wilson broke the painful silence.
“You are doubtless surprised to see me,” he said.
“Unutterably so!” I rejoined. “Please tell me quickly why you have come, and end this agony of suspense!” And I burst into tears.
“Do not weep, dear Madam!” said Mr. Wilson. “Mr. Clay is well, and I have come to tell you that I deeply sympathise with you and desire to help you to obtain his release!”
“Mr. Clay’s surrender,” Mr. Wilson continued, “reflects great honour upon him. He is a brave and good man. Though he and I were opposed in politics, I have always respected Mr. Clay. Even his enemies on my side of the Chamber always knew where to find the Senator from Alabama!”
My heart was so full as I listened to these words, I could not make answer to this tribute to the worth of my suffering husband but by a fresh flow of tears. Somehow, as he stood before me, the erstwhile shoemaker of Nantucket seemed stamped with the seal of nobility from God! I did not then know his kindly nature, and those to whom I related the incident of this visit said nothing to impress me with the sincerity of Senator Wilson’s act. On the contrary, many assured me that some selfish and sinister motive impelled the interview, and that Mr. Wilson would not commit himself by writing what he had spoken. A friend to whom I wrote an account of the visit, replied, counselling me as follows:
“I do not personally know Mr. Wilson, but believe him, from report, to be tricky, unscrupulous, and only hypocritically fanatical. Mr. Stevens may have spoken 360to him, or Mr. Sumner (whom, you remember, I saw); or he may have wished to approach the President through an opening which he supposed congenial to the President’s wishes. However, your course is clear. Commit Mr. Wilson by a letter to the President, so that when the fight waxes furious he may not be able to take advantage of what the President may do. I consider it a good sign that the President desires to keep the letters of Messrs. Stevens and Walker.”
In the meantime I had spoken of the incident with warm enthusiasm to Mr. Johnson. He replied very much as others had done; to wit., that Mr. Wilson would not commit to writing the sentiments he had expressed verbally to me.
“He fears the Radical press too much,” said the President.
Nettled somewhat at this distrust, I assured Mr. Johnson of my faith in his Vice-President; that I would get the letter from him, and voluntarily. “If not,” I added, somewhat stung by his cynicism, “I will............