The Assembling of Congress, May 10th, 1776, and Transactions until the Declaration of Independence, the 4th of July.

It was under the circumstances stated in the preceding chapter, the General Congress, according to adjournment the previous October, reassembled in Philadelphia the 10th of May, 1776. The colonies were profoundly convulsed by the transactions which had taken place in Massachusetts, Virginia, North and South Carolina, by the intelligence from England, that Parliament had, the previous December, passed an Act to increase the army, that the British Government had largely increased both the army and navy, and on failure of obtaining sufficient recruits in England, Scotland, and Ireland, had negotiated with German princes, who traded in the blood of their down-trodden subjects, for seventeen thousand Hanoverian and Hessian mercenaries, to aid in reducing the American colonies to absolute submission to the will of the King and Parliament of Great Britain. It was supposed in England that the decisive Act of Parliament, the unbending and hostile attitude of the British Ministry, the formidable amount of naval and land forces, would awe the colonies into unresisting and immediate submission; but the effect of all these formidable preparations on the part of the British Government was to unite rather than divide the colonies, and render them more determined and resolute than ever to defend and maintain their sacred and inherited rights and liberties as British subjects.

The thirteen colonies were a unit as to what they understood and contended for in regard to their British constitutional rights and liberties—namely, the rights which they had enjoyed for[Pg 480] more than a century—the right of taxation by their own elected representatives alone, the right of providing for the support of their own civil government and its officers—rights far less extensive than those which are and have long been enjoyed by the loyal provinces of the Canadian Dominion. There were, indeed, the Governors and their officers, sent from England—the favourites and needy dependents of the British Ministry and Parliament, sent out to subsist upon the colonists, but were not of them, had no sympathy with them, nor any influence over them except what they had over their dependents and the families with whom they had formed connections. They were noisy and troublesome as a faction, but not sufficient in numbers or influence to constitute a party, properly speaking.

There was like unity among the colonies in regard to the defence and support of the rights and liberties which they claimed. There was, indeed, doubt on the part of a few, and but a few, comparatively, as to the wisdom and expediency of taking arms and meeting the King\'s officers and troops in the field of battle in support of their rights; but all agreed that they should defend themselves and their property when attacked by the King\'s troops, whether attacked by the King\'s orders or not; for they held that their title to their property and constitutional rights was as sacred and divine as that of the King to his throne.[386]

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The question of questions with the General Congress on its assembling in May, 1776, was what measures should be adopted for the defence of their violated and invaded rights, and upon what grounds should that defence be conducted? For the first time in the General Congress was it proposed to abandon the ground on which they had vindicated and maintained their rights as British subjects in their several Legislatures and Conventions for eleven years, and successfully defended them by force of arms for more than one year, or to avow entire separation from the mother country, and declare absolute independence as the ground of maintaining their rights and liberties?

There had long been some prominent men who held republican sentiments, and some newspapers had in 1775 mooted the idea of separation from the mother country. Such views prevailed widely in Massachusetts; there had always been a clique of Congregational Republicans and Separationists in Boston, from the days of Cromwell. They looked back upon the halcyon days when none but Congregationalists could hold office—civil, judicial, or military—or even exercise the elective franchise, and the disclaimers of any earthly king; and though the separation from the mother country and renunciation of monarchical government was carefully avoided in the official documents of Massachusetts, as it was disclaimed in the strongest terms in the official papers of other colonies, yet the sentiment of hostility to monarchy and of separation from England was artfully inculcated in resolutions, addresses, etc., prepared by Samuel Adams, and sent forth from the Massachusetts Convention.[388][Pg 482] He was a man of blameless life (no relation to John Adams)—a rigid religionist of the old Massachusetts Puritan stamp—a hater of England and of British institutions, able and indefatigable in everything that might tend to sever America from England, in regard to which his writings exerted a powerful influence. He was the Corypheus of the Separatist party in Boston, the Chairman of the Committee of Correspondence, and wrote the Massachusetts circulars to other colonies.

It was only early in May, 1776, that the question of independence was discussed in the General Congress. The Congress recommended those colonies whose Governors had left their governments, or were declared disqualified on account of their oppressive and cruel conduct, to form governments for themselves. This, however, was not understood as a declaration of independence, but a temporary measure of necessity, to prevent anarchy and confusion in the colonies concerned. This proceeding was immediately followed by a more comprehensive measure intended to feel the pulse of the colonies on the subject of independence.

The Congress had waited with considerable patience, and some anxiety, the result of the late session of Parliament; they had forborne to do anything which might not be justified upon the fair principles of self-defence, until it appeared that the Ministry was resolved that nothing short of the most abject submission should be the price of accommodation. Early in May, therefore, the Congress adopted a measure intended to sound the sentiments of the colonies on the subject of independence. They stated the rejection of their petitions, and the employment of foreign mercenaries to reduce them to obedience, and concluded by declaring it expedient that all the colonies should proceed to the establishment of such a form of government as[Pg 483] their representatives might think most conducive to the peace and happiness of the people. This preamble and resolution were immediately forwarded; and in a few days afterwards Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, gave notice to the Congress that he should, on an appointed day, move for a Declaration of Independence. This was accordingly done, but the consideration of the question was postponed until the 1st of July—so timid, so wavering, so unwilling to break the maternal connection were most of the members.[389]

It is clear that, so far from the Declaration of Independence being the spontaneous uprising of the colonies, as represented by so many American historians, that when it was first mooted in Congress the majority of the General Congress itself were startled at it, and were opposed to it. "On the 15th day of May, only four of the colonies had acted definitely on the question of independence. North Carolina had authorized her delegates to concur with the delegates from the other colonies \'in declaring independency;\' Rhode Island had commissioned hers \'to join in any measures to secure American rights;\' in Massachusetts, various towns had pledged themselves to maintain any declaration on which Congress might agree; and Virginia had given positive instructions to her delegates that Congress should make a declaration of independence. These proceedings were accompanied with declarations respecting a reservation to each colony of the right to form its own government, in the adjustment of the power universally felt to be necessary, and which[Pg 484] was to be lodged in a new political unit, designated by the terms, \'Confederation,\' \'Continental Constitution,\' and \'American Republic.\'"[390]

"On the 7th of June, Richard Henry Lee, in behalf of the Virginia delegates, submitted in Congress resolves on independence, a confederation, and foreign alliances. His biographer says that \'tradition relates that he prefaced his motion with a speech,\' portraying the resources of the colonies and their capacity for defence, dwelling especially on the bearing which an independent position might have on foreign Powers, and concluded by urging the members so to act, that the day might give birth to an American Republic. The motion was:—

"\'That these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is and ought to be totally dissolved.\'

"\'That it is expedient forthwith to take the most effectual measures for forming foreign alliances.\'

"\'That a plan of confederation be prepared and transmitted to the respective colonies for their consideration and approbation.\'

"John Adams seconded the motion. The Journal of Congress says, \'that certain resolutions respecting independency being moved and seconded, they were postponed till to-morrow morning,\' and that \'the members were enjoined to attend punctually at ten o\'clock in order to take the same into their consideration. Jefferson says the reason of postponement was that the House were obliged to attend to other business. The record indicates that no speech was made on that day.

"The next day was Saturday. John Hancock, the President, was in the chair; and Charles Thompson was the Secretary. The resolves were immediately referred to a Committee of the Whole, in which Benjamin Harrison presided—the confidential correspondent of Washington, and subsequently Governor of Virginia. They were debated with animation until seven o\'clock in the evening, when the President resumed the chair, and reported that the Committee had considered the matter referred[Pg 485] to them, but, not having come to any decision, directed him to move for leave to sit again on Monday.

"In Congress, on Monday, Edward Rutledge moved that the question be postponed three weeks. The debate on this day continued until seven o\'clock in the evening. Not a single speech of any member is known to be extant. Jefferson at the time summed up the arguments used by the speakers during both days. The result may be given in his words: \'It appearing, in the course of the debates, that the colonies of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and South Carolina were not yet matured for falling from the parent stem, but that they were fast advancing to that state, it was thought most prudent to wait awhile for them. It was agreed in Committee of the Whole to report to Congress a resolution, which was adopted by a vote of seven colonies to five, and this postponed the resolution on independence to the 1st day of July; and \'in meanwhile, that no time be lost, a Committee be appointed to prepare a declaration in conformity to it.\' On the next day a Committee was chosen for this purpose by ballot: Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia; John Adams, of Massachusetts; Benjamin Franklin, of Pennsylvania; Roger Sherman, of Connecticut; and Robert R. Livingstone, of New York. [Such was the Committee that prepared the Declaration of Independence.] On the 12th a Committee of one from each colony was appointed to report the form of confederation, and a Committee of five to prepare a plan of treaties to be proposed to foreign Powers.

"When Congress postponed the vote on independence, the popular movement in its favour was in full act............