It was the first of July before the fleet was clear of the coast of England. Eleven days later new land was sighted “rising like pinnacles of steeples, and all covered with snowe,” as Hall, with almost a poet’s touch, described. This Frobisher and his companion navigators agreed must be the “Friesland” of the brothers Zeno as laid down in the Zeno chart. It was, in fact, Cape Farewell, the southern point of Greenland. They sailed toward the shore, and Frobisher with four men in his shipboat strove to make a landing, but was prevented by the accumulation of ice about it. Leaving this coast and taking now a southwestward course they voyaged on through the trackless sea till the twenty-eighth of July, when they had their next sight of land, which Hall supposed to be Labrador. Meanwhile between the two points—Greenland and the supposed Labrador—there had been some pretty serious happenings to the voyagers during storms; and only those on Frobisher’s ship, the “Gabriel,” saw the new land, for the “Michael” had early deserted. We must turn to Best for this part of the story.
“Not far from thence [Greenland] hee [Frobisher] 151lost compnye of his small pinnesse which by meanes of the great storme he supposed to be swallowed uppe of the sea, wherein he lost onely foure men. Also the other barke named The Michael mistrusting the matter, conveyed themselves privily away from him, and retourned home, wyth great reporte that he was cast awaye.” His own ship, too, had sprung her mast, and the top-mast had blown overboard in “extreme foule weather.” Yet, notwithstanding these “discomforts,” the “worthy captaine” continued steadily on his course, “knowing that the sea at length must needs have an ending and that some land should have a beginning that way: and determined therefore at the least to bring true proofe what land and sea the same might be so far to the Northwestwards beyond any man that hath heretofore discovered.”
The new land sighted was a promontory of an island off the main above Labrador: the present Cape Resolution of Resolution Island, about the north entrance to Hudson’s Strait. Being his first discovery Frobisher loyally bestowed upon the promontory his sovereign’s name, calling it “Queen Elizabeth’s Foreland.” So environed was it by ice that the shore could not be reached. Hall tells of efforts made the next day unsuccessfully to find a harbour, for all the sound was filled with ice. Then they sailed northeasterly, following the coast, and early the next morning another headland was descried. Approaching, they found this to be a “foreland” with (it is now Best’s relation) a “great gut, bay, or passage, divided as it were two maine 152lands or continents asunder.” The gut was what we now know as Frobisher’s Bay. Believed to be a strait, and of great possibilities, it was so named for the discoverer—"Frobisher’s Straits."
Hereabouts was also a “store of exceeding great ice,” which kept them off this shore. Nor for a while was it possible to make further headway, contrary winds detaining them “overthwart” the supposed straits. Within a few days, however, the ice largely cleared, “either there ingulfed in by some swift currents or indrafts, carried more to the Southward, ... or els conveyed some other way,” and entrance was effected. Thereupon Frobisher proceeded to explore this water, having high hopes that he “might carry himself through it into some open sea on the back side.” He penetrated it for “above fifty leagues,” having on either hand, as he believed, “a great maine or continent.” As he sailed westward “that land upon his right hand ... he judged to be the continent of Asia, and there to be divided from the firme [land] of America which lieth upon the left hand over against the same.”
When he had sailed thus far a landing was made on an island—"Burchers," as Hall names it—and meetings were had with the people. Hall relates this adventure with a description of the natives:
“The 19 day [August] in the morning, being calme, and no winde, the Captaine and I took our boate, with eight men in her, to rowe us ashore, to see if there were there any people or no, and going to the toppe of the island we had sight of seven boates, which came rowing 153from the East side toward that Island: whereupon we returned aboord again: at length we sent our boate with five men in her, to see whither they rowed, and so with a white cloth brought one of their boates with their men along the shoare, rowing after our boat till such time as they saw our ship, and then they rowed ashore: then I went on shoare my selfe, and gave every of them a threadden point, and brought one of them aboord of me, where hee did eate and drinke, and then carried him ashore againe. Whereupon all the rest came aboord with their boates, being nineteen persons, and they spake, but we understood them not. They bee the Tartars, with long blacke haire, broad faces, and flatte noses, and tawnie in colour, wearing Seale skinnes, and so doe the women, not differing in the fashion, but the women are marked in the face with blewe [blue] streekes [streaks] downe the cheekes, and round about the eyes. Their boates are made of Seales skinnes, with a keel of wood within the skin: the proportion of them is like a Spanish shallop, save only they be flat in the bottome and sharpe at both ends.”
Here we have the first description of the Eskimo, or the Northwest American coast Indian.
The next day the “Gabriel” was sailed to the east side of this island and Hall with the captain and four men again went ashore and had parleys with the natives here. One was enticed into their boat and taken to the ship, where he was given some trinkets. Then he was sent back in the charge of five of the sailors with instructions to land him at a rock off the 154shore. But the “wilfulness” of these sailors was such that they would go on to the shore and mingle with the people. So they were captured together with their boat; and neither boat nor men were ever after seen. Some of the natives, whose curiosity at length got the better of their caution, visited the ship and made friends with the company. They entertained their hosts with exhibitions of their agility, trying “many masteries upon the ropes of the ship after our mariners fashion, and appeared to be very strong of their armes and nimble of their bodies.” (Best’s relation.) They bartered seal and bearskin coats for bells, looking-glasses and toys, much pleased with their bargains. Repeated attempts were made by Frobisher to secure one or more of them to take back to England as “a token” of his having been in these regions. But all his exertions were foiled by their wariness till he resorted to a “pretty policie.” This was to decoy a group by ringing toy bells, then throwing the bells one by one into the water for them to scramble for, at each throw shortening the distance from the ship. One, in his eagerness, paddled close to the ship, when he was grabbed and hauled aboard with his boat. So angered was the poor fellow at his capture that “he bit his tongue in twain in his mouth.” Nevertheless, he survived till the return of the voyagers to England, but shortly after he died miserably “of a cold which he had taken at sea.”
With this living witness of his “farre and tedious travels towards the unknowen partes of the world” 155(Best’s relation), and with other “tokens” which his companions had collected in their essays ashore—some bringing “floures [flowers], some greene grasse, and one ... a piece of blacke stone much like to a sea cole [coal] in colour which by the weight seemed to be some kinde of metall or minerall”—Frobisher turned his ship’s prow homeward at the end of August. Meanwhile, he had taken formal possession of the region round about the “straits,” in the name of the queen of England, who afterward dubbed it “Meta Incognita.” The name is still seen on modern maps, confined to the point of Baffin Land between Frobisher’s Bay and Hudson Strait.
The homeward voyage was without incident, beyond perils encountered in fierce storms, in one of which, as Hall relates, a sailor was “blowen into the sea,” and in his flight catching hold of the foresail was there held till the captain “plucked him again into the ship.” They arrived in late September, and anchoring first at Yarmouth came to port at Harwich, October second.
Frobisher immediately repaired to London with his report and his “tokens.” There he became the hero of the hour, being “highly commended of all men for his great and notable attempt, but specially famous for the great hope he brought of the passage to Cataya.” The captured native, too—"this strange infidell," as Best wrote, “whose like was never seene, read, nor heard of before, and whose language was neither knowen nor understood of any”—must have been gazed upon with awe.
156But the bit of “blacke stone,” brought as a novelty only, and deemed by the captain of no account except as a souvenir, proved to be the “token” of greatest import, since, quite by accident, it became an instrument that practically transformed the Frobisher project from its original design into a fervid speculative enterprise.
Best tells how this came about: “After his [Frobisher’s] arrival in London being demanded of sundry of his friends what thing he had brought them home out of that countrey, he had nothing left to present them withall but a piece of this blacke stone. And it fortuned that a gentlewoman one of the adventurers wives to have a piece thereof, which by chance she threw and burned in the fire, so long that at length being taken forth, and quenched in a little vinegar, it glistened with a bright merquesset of golde. Whereupon the matter being called in some question, it was brought to certain Goldfiners in London to make assay thereof, who gave out that it held golde, and that very richly for the quantity. Afterwards the same Goldfiners promised great matters thereof if there were any store to be found, and offered themselves to adventure for the searching of those parts from whence the same was brought. Some that had great hope of the matter sought secretly to have a lease at her Majesties hands of those places, whereby to injoy the masse of so great a publike profit unto their owne private gaines. In conclusion, the hope of more of the same golde ore to be found kindled a greater opinion in the hearts of many to advance the voyage againe.”
157Thereupon “preparation was made for a new voyage against the yere following, and the captaine more specially directed by commission for the searching more of this golde ore then [than] for the searching any further discovery of the passage. And being well accompanied with divers resolute and forward gentlemen, her Majesty then lying at the right honourable the lord of Warwicks house in Essex, he came to take his leave, and kissing her highnesses hands, with gracious countenance & comfortable words departed towards his charge.”
Under such auspices this second voyage was organized liberally. The queen invested in the venture, together with members of the privy council; and among other subscribers were the Countess of Warwick, the Earl and Countess of Pembroke, Lord Charles Howard, Michael Lok, Anthony Jenkinson, and young Philip Sidney. The total amount subscribed was fifty-one hundred and fifty pounds. A charter was issued for the “Company of Cathay,” with privileges similar to the old Muscovy Company, in which Michael Lok, “mercer,” of London, was named as governor, and Frobisher captain-general of their navy and high admiral of “all seas and waters, countreys, landes, and iles, as well as of Kathai [Cathay] as of all other countryes and places of new dyscovery.” The queen provided one of her large ships, the “Ayde,” of two hundred tons, to serve as the “admiral” of the fleet, the other vessels being the two barks which had started out on the first voyage, the “Gabriel” and the “Michael” 158(now recorded as of “about thirty ton apiece”). Frobisher was placed at the head as “captain-general of the whole company for her majesty”; George Best was appointed lieutenant; and Richard Philpot, ensign. Christopher Hall was made the master of the “Ayde”; Edward Fenton, “a gentleman of my Lady Warwicks,” captain of the “Gabriel,” with William Smyth, master; Gilbert Yorke, “a gentleman of my Lord Admirals” [Howard], captain and James Beare master of the “Michael.” At the start the company comprised one hundred and forty-three persons, made up of thirty-six officers and gentlemen, fourteen miners and “goldfiners,” and the remainder soldiers and sailors. Of this number the “Ayde” accommodated, with the captain-general and his staff, one hundred. The ships were fully appointed with munitions, and were provisioned for a half year.
Hakluyt gives two accounts also of this voyage, and, as in the case of the first one, the whole animated story of it is to be gleaned from the two. They comprise the narratives of Dionysus Settle and of George Best, that of the latter being the second chapter of his True Discourse. They are presented under the following titles, respectively: “The second voyage of Master Martin Frobisher, made to the West and Northwest Regions, in the yeere 1577, with a description of the Countrey and people: Written by Master Dionise Settle,” and “A true report of such things as happened in the second voyage of captaine Frobisher, pretended for the discovery of a new passage to Cataya, China, 159and the East India by the Northwest Ann. Dom. 1577.” Both narrators were active members of Frobisher’s company throughout the voyage.
Best, furnishing a description of the spirited scenes at the departure, properly begins the story.
All things being in readiness, “the sayd captaine Frobisher, with the rest of his company, came aboord his ships riding at Blackwall intending (with Gods helpe) to take the first winde and tide serving him, the 25 day of May, in the yere of our Lord God 1577.... On Whitsunday being the 26 of May ... early in the morning, we weighed anker at Blackwall, and fell that tyde down to Gravesend, where we remained untill Monday at night. On Munday morning the 27 May, aboord the Ayde we received all the Communion by the Minister of Gravesend, and prepared us as good Christians towards God, and resolute men for all fortunes: and towards night we departed to Tilbery Hope. Tuesday the eight and twenty of May, about nine of the clocke, at night, we arrived at Harwitch in Essex and there stayed for the taking in of certaine victuals, untill Friday being the thirtieth of May, during which time came letters from the Lordes of the Councell, straightly commanding our Generall not to exceed his complement and number appointed him, which was one hundred and twentie persons: whereupon he discharged many proper men which with unwilling mindes departed. He also dismissed all his condemned men [men from the prisons who had been incarcerated for petty crimes] which he thought for some purposes very 160needfull for the voyage, and towards night upon Friday the one and thirtieth of May we set saile and put to the Seas again.”
Sailing with a “merrie wind,” on the seventh of June they reached the Orkneys and put in at one of them for a supply of fresh water, greatly frightening the islanders at their appearance, who thought them pirates. Here they tarried for a day, the gentlemen and soldiers being permitted to go ashore for their recreation. Again at sea, they shortly met three English fisher ships homeward bound from Iceland, and they improved this opportunity to send letters home to England. After twenty-six days without sight of land they came, on the fourth of July, “within the making of Friesland.” Ten or twelve leagues from the Greenland shore they encountered huge icebergs, “great Islands of yce, of halfe a mile, some more, some lesse in compasse, showing above the sea 30 or 40 fathoms.”
About Greenland, Settle shiveringly remarked that “in place of odoriferous and fragrant smels of sweete gums & pleasant notes of musicall birdes which other Countreys in more temperate zones do yeeld,” they “tasted the most boisterous Boreal blasts mixt with snow and haile in June and July.” But Best found it more cheery despite the Boreal blasts. As he observed, “for so much of this land as we have sailed alongst comparing their [the brothers Zeno’s] carde on the coast, we finde it very agreeable.” One day when they lay becalmed they did a little fishing, and Best spins this fine fish yarn: “We ... let fall a hooke 161without any bayte [bait] and presently caught a great fish called a Hollibut who served the whole companie for a day’s meale.” As on his first voyage, Frobisher made several attempts with his shipboat to get ashore, but could not overcome the bulwarks of ice.
Four days and nights were spent in coasting Greenland, and then the fleet struck out on the last stage of the voyage. On the way they ran into a great storm in which the “Michael” had her topmast blown overboard, and the other ships were hard strained. On the sixteenth of July “Queen Elizabeth’s Foreland” was sighted: and the next day the “North Foreland” or “Hall’s Island” (named for Christopher Hall), “near-adjacent” to the place where the ore had been found on the first voyage. Here both chroniclers assumed—accepting Frobisher’s theory—that they were come between the two “forelands,” near by “the supposed continent of America” on the one side and the “supposed continent of Asia” on the other and at the opening of the “straits” to the real “passage.”
Now Frobisher hastened off with the goldfiners for a prospecting trip on the island where the ore was first taken up, while the ships sought a harbour. As Settle’s account proceeds: “At our first comming the streights seemed to be shut up with a long mure [wall] of yce which gave no little cause of discomfort unto us all: but our Generall ... with two little Pinnesses prepared of purpose passed twice thorow [through] them to the East shore and the Islands thereto adjacent.” Best relates the mournful outcome of this prospecting: 162“He could not get in all that Iland a peece so big as a Walnut, where the first was found.” Some of his band, however, who sought other islands thereabouts had better luck, for they were found “all to have good store of ore.” With these good tidings he returned to his ship “about tenne of the clocke at night, and was joyfully welcomed by the companie with a volie of shot.”
Early the next morning Frobisher again started out with a larger party, forty “gentlemen and souldiers,” for further prospecting, and also to find a fit harbour for the ships; and this day, on the summit of a snow-capped hill, a dramatic scene was enacted, with the taking possession of the country for England, and a service of thanksgiving, all kneeling in a circle about the English ensign. Best was of this party, and his relation alone describes these pious ceremonies on the lonely hill-top.
“Passing towardes the shoare with no small difficultie by reason of the abundance of yce which lay alongst the coast so thicke togither that hardly any passage through them might be discovered, we arrived at length upon the maine of Halles greate Iland, and found there also as well as in the other small Ilands good store of the Ore. And leaving his boates here with sufficient guardes we passed up into the countrey about two English miles, and recovered the toppe of a high hill, on the top whereof our men made a Columne or Crosse of stones heaped up of a good height togither in good sort, and solemnly sounded a Trumpet, and said certaine prayers kneeling about the Ensigne, and 163honoured the place by ............