The various activities described in the last six chapters all took place in the year 1917. But during all this year—when the picketing, the arrests, the imprisonments, were going on—work with Congress was of course proceeding parallel with it. It now becomes necessary to go back to the very beginning of the year to follow that work.

It will be remembered that early in this year there occurred in Washington an event of national political importance. The Congressional union for Woman Suffrage and the Woman’s Party merged into one organization.

This union of the Congressional union with the Woman’s Party occurred on March 2. On March 3—the last day of his first Administration—President Wilson despatched the following letter to the Hon. W. R. Crabtree, a member of the Tennessee Legislature.

May I not express my earnest hope that the Senate of Tennessee will reconsider the vote by which it rejected the legislation extending the Suffrage to women? Our Party is so distinctly pledged to its passage that it seems to me the moral obligation is complete.

Woodrow Wilson.

On April 26 occurred a hearing before the Senate Committee; Anne Martin presided. The note she struck in her opening speech sounded all through the hearing—the somber, sinister note of the Great War; and the necessity of accepting the Suffrage Amendment as a war measure.

“We regard it as an act of the highest loyalty and patriotism,” she said, “to urge the passage of the Amendment at this time, that we may, as fully-equipped, fully-enfranchised citizens, do 300our part in carrying out and helping to solve the problems that lie before the government when our country is at war.”

Madeline Doty, who had traveled in Germany and in England since the beginning of the war, gave her testimony in regard to the degree of war work women were contributing in those two countries. Others spoke: Mary Beard, Ernestine Evans, Mrs. Richard Wainwright, Alice Carpenter, Hon. Jeannette Rankin, and Dudley Field Malone, at that time still Collector of the Port of New York.

Altogether, there was a different sound to these Suffrage arguments. Women had discovered for the first time in the history of the world that they were a national necessity in war, not only because they bore the soldiers who fought, not only because they nursed the wounded, but because their efforts in producing the very sinews of war were necessary to its continuance.

On May 14, the Committee appointed by the National Party (the Party formed by the former Progressive leaders): J. A. H. Hopkins, Dr. E. A. Rumley, John Spargo, Virgil Hinshaw, Mabel Vernon, called on the President for the purpose of discussing the passage of the Federal Suffrage Amendment as part of the war program.

Mabel Vernon described the interview afterwards:

The President said frankly that the lines were well laid for the carrying out of a program in this session of Congress in which Suffrage, he intimated, has not been included and expressed his belief that the introducing of the question at this time might complicate matters. He seems to feel, however, that the coming of war has put the enfranchisement of women on a new basis.

He showed his appreciation of the rapid gains Suffrage has made through the country when he said, “Suffrage is no longer creeping, but advancing by strides.”

The President told the Committee as proof of his willingness, as he said, “to help Suffrage in every little way,” that he had written a letter to Representative Pou, Chairman of the Rules Committee of the House, saying he would favor the creation of a Woman Suffrage Committee.

301The next day, May 15, a hearing was held before the Judiciary Committee of the House. The Progressive Committee, who had visited the President the day before, spoke, and also a group of the Woman’s Party leaders: Mrs. William H. Kent, Mrs. John Rogers, Mrs. Donald R. Hooker, Lucy Burns, Anne Martin, Abby Scott Baker. Again the note of the Great War sounded through all the speeches, and the impatience of women because everything in the way of war service was demanded of them, but nothing given in return.

Mrs. Rogers said:

You men sit here in Congress and plan to take our sons and husbands and every cent in our pockets. Yet you say to us: “Do not be selfish; do not ask anything of the government now, but do your part.”

Mrs. Rogers quoted the words of Lord Northcliffe:

The old arguments against giving women Suffrage were that they were useless in war. But we have found that we could not carry on the war without them. They are running many of our industries, and their services may be justly compared to those of our soldiers.

“It has taken England nineteen hundred years to find this out,” said Mrs. Rogers.

Also, stress was laid on the fact that, since the last hearing before the Judiciary Committee, six States had granted Presidential Suffrage to women.

In this connection, a letter written by Chairman Webb of the Judiciary Committee to J. A. H. Hopkins of New Jersey, is interesting.

Mr. Hopkins wrote Mr. Webb:

The suggestion in your letter, that your caucus resolution provides that the President might from time to time suggest special war emergency legislation, puts the responsibility for the inaction of your Committee upon the President. As the President has already stated that he will be glad to do everything he can to promote the cause of Woman Suffrage, it seems to me quite 302evident that he has at least given your Committee the opportunity to exercise their own authority without even the fear that they may be infringing upon your caucus rules.

In the answer which Chairman Webb sent to Mr. Hopkins, he put the responsibility of the inaction in regard to the Suffrage situation directly on the President.

He said:

The Democratic caucus passed a resolution that only war emergency measures would be considered during this extra session, and that the President might designate from time to time special legislation which he regarded as war legislation, and such would be acted upon by the House. The President not having designated Woman Suffrage and national prohibition so far as war measures, the Judiciary Committee up to this time has not felt warranted, under the caucus rule, in reporting either of these measures. If the President should request either or both of them as war measures, then I think the Committee would attempt to take some action on them promptly. So you see after all it is important to your cause to make the President see that Woman Suffrage comes within the rules laid down.

In May, the Rules Committee of the House of Representatives granted a hearing to Suffrage bodies on the question of the creation of a Suffrage Committee in the House. It will be remembered that this is the first time since December, 1913, that the Rules Committee had granted this request, although women have worked for the creation of a Suffrage Committee in the House since the days of Susan B. Anthony. Chairman Pou presided.

A few days before, he had received a letter from President Wilson, in favor of the creation of a Suffrage Committee. For a long time now, the President had not been saying anything about the State by State method of winning Suffrage, but this was the first time that he had shown a specific interest in the Federal Suffrage Amendment.

The meeting was open to the public, and the room was crowded. The members of the National American Woman Suffrage Association spoke; a group of Congressmen from 303the Suffrage States, and the following members of the Woman’s Party: Anne Martin, Maud Younger, Mrs. Richard Wainwright, Mabel Vernon.

Mrs. Richard Wainwright said:

One of the members of the Commission from England said: “We came to America that America may not make the mistakes that we have! One of the mistakes that England is now trying to rectify is not giving justice to her women. I should like the Congress of the United States to remember what Wyoming said when asked to join the nation: ‘We do not come in without our women.’”

Miss Younger said in part:

We regard this, however (the formation of a Suffrage Committee in the House), Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the Committee, as only one step toward our goal. We will not be satisfied with this alone. It will not in any way take the place of the passage of the Amendment. Nor are we interested in any mere record vote which might come from the Suffrage Committee. We are wor............