The chief function of land artillery in its earlier days was the destruction of material. The huge engines of the ancients were of value in effecting from a safe distance what the tortoise and the battering-ram could only do at close quarters: the breaching of walls and the battering-in of gates, doors and bulwarks. After the invention of gunpowder the use of artillery remained, we have seen, substantially the same. Apart from the moral effect on horse and man of the “monstrous roare of noise” when in defence, the offensive object of ordnance was almost entirely the breaching of the enemy’s works. The guns were literally “pieces of battery,” doing their slow work by the momentum of their large projectiles.

Thus considered, artillery was not a very effective instrument. And, just as in earlier times it had been sought to supplement mere impact by other effects—by the throwing into besieged fortresses of quicklime, for instance, “dead horses and other carrion,”—so, after the arrival of gunpowder, endeavour was made to substitute incendiarism or explosion for the relatively ineffective method of impact. The use of grenades, hand-thrown, was discovered. And then followed, as a matter of course, their adaptation to the mortars already in use for the projection of stones and other solid material. These mortars, as in the case of the early cannon, were at first made of an inconveniently large size; and, also as in the case of cannon, they came later to be cast of more moderate proportions to facilitate their transport and thus render them more serviceable for operations in the field. Artillery was now devoting its attention to the personnel. The result of this evolution was the howitzer, a weapon whose value to land armies was greatly enhanced by the discovery, by Marshal Vauban at the end of the seventeenth century, of the efficacy of the ricochet. Under this system the fuzed bomb or grenade,161 instead of being projected from a mortar set at a high elevation, to describe a lofty and almost parabolic trajectory, was discharged from a howitzer at a sufficiently low elevation to cause it to strike the ground some distance short of its objective, whence it proceeded, leaping and finally rolling along the ground till it came to its target, where it exploded.

So far shell fire had developed on land. In sea warfare the solid cannon ball remained the orthodox missile; the use of explosive or incendiary shells was deemed so dangerous a practice as to forbid its acceptance by the great maritime powers, save in exceptional cases, until the nineteenth century. Toward the end of the eighteenth century serious consideration was given, by France especially, to the possibilities of shell fire. Frenchmen felt restless and dissatisfied with the conditions in which they were waging war with England. Sea ordnance, which in the past had wrought so much by the destruction of personnel, was becoming increasingly impotent, not only against personnel but against ships themselves. Trafalgar came as a proof of this, when not a single ship was sunk by gunfire. Sea fighting was again resolving itself into a straightforward physical struggle between the guns’ crews of the opposing fleets, in which struggle the victory went by attrition to the side which plied its guns with the greatest rapidity and perseverance. élan, enthusiasm, science, the mental alertness of the individual, were bound to be overborne in such a case by superior endurance, physique, coolness, and sound workmanship. Both sides had a profound belief in the162 superiority of their personnel in hand-to-hand conflict. Where fighting was, as in the earliest days of the rival navies, “man to man, lance to lance, arrow to arrow, stone to stone,” success depended entirely upon courage and physical strength; and in such cases, says Nicolas, the English were almost always victorious. If, stated a French writer, sea actions could be decided by hand-to-hand combat the arms of France would triumph. But sea fights were in fact almost solely a matter of artillery. If only the conditions of battle could be altered; if only the forces of incendiarism or explosion could be summoned to put the enemy ships-of-the-line in jeopardy, a short cut to victory might be found or, at any rate, the superiority of England in material might be seriously depreciated.

Some time was to elapse, however, before France was to see even the partial consummation of this fervent desire.

While the use of grenades, bombs, carcasses and other explosive and incendiary missiles had been recognized on land for centuries, an event occurred in the year 1788 which, coming to the ears of Europe, should have had considerable effect in turning the thoughts of artillerists to the possibilities of their use at sea. In that year, some sixty-five years before the action off Sinope, a Deptford shipwright who had risen to high service under the Russian government fitted out for his employers a flotilla of long-boats for an attack upon a Turkish squadron. These long-boats Sir Samuel Bentham—he was the ex-shipwright—armed with brass ordnance mounted on his163 favourite non-recoil system, and for them he requisitioned a large supply of shells, carcasses and solid shot. At the mouth of the Liman river in the Sea of Azov the Russians, with these insignificant war vessels, attacked a very superior force of Turkish ships, and gained a complete victory. The effect of the shells, fired at close range into the Turkish ships, was startling and impressive. Great holes were torn in the sides of the vessels, and fires were started which, in a favouring medium of dry timber and paint and pitch, rapidly spread and caused the squadron’s destruction.

No evidence can be quoted, it must be admitted, to show that contemporary opinion realized how portentous was this sea action; no stress is laid on the event in histories relating to that time. Nor does another event which occurred at this period appear to have caused the notice it deserved: the firing, at the suggestion of a Captain Mercier, 35th Regiment, of mortar shells from the British long 24-pounders, from Gibraltar into the Spanish lines.100 Nor was Lieutenant Shrapnel’s contemporaneous invention,101 of a shell containing case shot explodable by a small bursting charge, developed or the possible adaptation of its use for sea warfare fully appreciated. Or, if authority did discern the eventual effect of these innovations, a wholesome dread of their extension and development in naval warfare appears to have dictated a policy of calculated conservatism in respect of them, a suppression of all ideas and experiments which had in view any intensifying or improvement of our artillery methods. “So long as foreign powers did not innovate by improving their guns, by extending the use of carronades and, above all, by projecting shells horizontally from shipping; so long it was our interest not to set the example of any improvement in naval ordnance—the value of our immense material might otherwise be depreciated. Many of the defects which were known to exist, so long as164 they were common to all navies, operated to the advantage of Great Britain.”102

Apart from this consideration, however, it is remarkable how small a value was set by English opinion, even at a late date, upon explosive as compared with solid projectiles. The obvious disadvantages of hollow spherical shell—their smaller range, more devious flight and less penetrative power—were emphasized; their admittedly greater destructive effect (even taking into account the small bursting charges deemed suitable for use with them) was rated at a surprisingly low figure.

The French, on the other hand, showed great eagerness to explore the possibilities of shell fire in fighting ships. Addicted to science, they searched unceasingly throughout the revolutionary wars for some development of naval material which would neutralize the obvious and ever-increasing superiority of the British navy under existing conditions, even if it might not actually incline the balance of power in their favour. To this end they courted the use of incendiary projectiles. Our own authorities, partly from a lively apprehension of the danger believed to be inherent in their carriage and use in wooden ships and partly from a feeling of moral revulsion against the employment of what they genuinely believed to be an unfair and unchivalrous agency, limited the use of fuzed shells, carcasses and other fireworks as much as possible to small bomb vessels of special construction—and inferior morals. But in ships-of-the-line the use of such missiles was strongly deprecated by naval opinion, and even the use of hand-grenades in the tops was forbidden by some captains. Time justified this cautious attitude. The French suffered for the precipitancy with which they adopted inflammatory agents; fires and explosions were frequent in their fleets; the history of their navy in these wars—“la longue et funeste guerre de la Révolution”—is lit up from time to time with the conflagrations of their finest ships, prey to the improperly controlled chemical forces of their own adoption. One example alone need be cited: the Orient at the battle of the Nile. Even if the French flagship was not set on fire by their direct agency, small doubt exists that the spread of the fire which broke out in her was accelerated by the presence of the combustibles which, in common with most of the French ships, she carried. Throughout the wars fuzed shells, carcasses, stinkpots, port-fires,165 proved far more terrible to friend than foe. And the foe doubtless felt confirmed and fortified in his opinions that such substances were quite unsuitable for carriage in warships. As to the ethics of explosives even the French themselves seem to have been doubtful. For, shortly after the battle in Aboukir Bay, some of their officers accused an English captain of having been so “unfair” as to use shells: an audacious man?uvre on their part, for, on some of the shells in question being produced and the gunner questioned as to whence they came, “to the confusion of the accusers, he related that they were found on board the Spartiate, one of the ships captured on the first of August!”103

Continuous trials were carried out in France with shells fired from guns. In 1798, following a series of successful experiments, trials were prosecuted at Meudon by a special commission, who caused 24-and 36-pound shells to be fired at a target representing a ship-of-the-line, at ranges of 400 and 600 yards. The results were impressive, and the report rendered to Bonaparte such as to confirm his personal conviction in the value of shell fire. Less than a year later, we may note in passing, the Consul was himself the target of shell fire: being subjected, at the siege of Acre, to the unpleasant attentions of a 68-pounder carronade from the English fleet. In 1804, with the avowed object of keeping our cruisers at a distance, he had long howitzers cast and placed for the defence of Toulon and other ports. And hardly a year passed but some trial was made of horizontal fire of shells from guns and mortars.

Of the two great maritime powers, Britain had contributed more, perhaps, towards the building up by actual practice of the system of artillery which was shortly to come into vogue. Shell fire from mortars had been used with far more effect by her forces than by those of her great enemy. The invention of the carronade was in itself almost a solution; and, though it did not lead directly to the shell gun, yet it undoubtedly induced the weapon which most strongly resembled it: the medium ship-gun, as designed by Congreve and Blomefield, which was something between the carronade and the long gun, and which for a time was mounted in our two-decked ships for the purpose of preserving unity of calibre.

But the French, free from the bias against change of method166 and material which operated in this country, seized on the possibilities of existing elements, and combined them in such a way as to form a complete solution of the shell-fire problem. To General Paixhans, the eminent officer of artillery, the credit for this solution is undoubtedly due.

§

The experiments of M. Paixhans, carried out in order to confirm the theories on which his new system was founded, extended over several years and resulted in the publication of two books—the Nouvelle Force Maritime et Artillerie, 1822, and Expériences faites sur une Arme Nouvelle, 1825.

In these works104 the author developed in detail the scheme of ship armament which was to win adoption, in the course of time, in the French navy; whereby our own authorities were also gradually forced to abandon methods and standards of force by which the British navy had grown great. Two principles formed the basis of this scheme:—(1) unity of calibre, embodying the maximum simplification of means; (2) shell fire, embodying the maximum augmentation of effect.

On these two principles M. Paixhans reared and elaborated in minutest detail the revolutionary system with which his name is associated. No new element or discovery was necessary for giving effect to his designs. Indeed he expressly disclaimed having introduced any novelty: “Nous n’avons donc rien inventé, rien innové, et presque rien changé; nous avons seulement réuni des élémens épars, auxquels il suffisait de donner, avec un peu d’attention, la grandeur et les proportions convenables, pour atteindre le but important que nous étions proposé.” It may be said, in fact, that unity of calibre had been an ideal sought for years before M. Paixhans’ time; while shell fire, the New Arm of 1822, was almost the logical consequence of Robins’ discoveries in the principles of gunnery, extended as they were by the researches of Doctors Hutton and Gregory. In particular, mention is made by M. Paixhans himself of two of the results brought out by Dr. Hutton’s experiments: one, that the length of the bore of a gun has but a small effect upon the range of its projectile, the range varying167 as the fifth root of the length; two, that the muzzle velocity may be considered to be independent of the weight of the gun.

As to the lack of novelty of shell fire on ship-board, M. Paixhans gives a significant extract from French naval annals. In 1690, it appears, a M. Deschiens had invented a means of firing bombs from long guns horizontally, instead of parabolically as from mortars. This secret was of great use to him; for, falling in with four English ships at sea, he so surprised them by this new invention that, fearful of being set on fire, they drew off and did not attempt to renew battle. This same French captain at a later date attacked two Dutch ships more than a match for him, and, by means of these horizontally fired bombs, sank one and disabled the other. But M. Deschiens died and his secret with him; though, as M. Paixhans remarks, this “secret” would have been easy to find if anyone had looked for it.

A whole chapter of The Genuine Use and Effects of the Gunne, written by Robert Anderson and published at London in 1674, concerns “the shooting of Granados out of Long Gunnes.”

Briefly, the grand idea of M. Paixhans consisted in the establishment of a fleet of steam vessels armed with guns designed to project charged shells horizontally at considerable velocities. But as this consummation could only be attained by degrees, he proposed that in the meantime the existing French fleet should be re-armed in such a way as to give to each ship a maximum of force combined with unity of calibre. This part of his scheme was applicable to solid shot (boulets massifs) as well as to shell (boulets creux). But the former he considered too ineffectual for use in future sea engagements. Although they might be the most suitable projectiles for the destruction of land works, the breaching of ramparts and the battering of stone walls, yet hollow shot, filled with powder and other combustible material, were far better adapted to rend and set fire to defences of wood, impregnated with tar, and, in time of action, replete with every species of inflammable substance, and crowded with combatants. No, M. Paixhans hoped to make solid shots entirely obsolete, by adopting, in combination with small steam vessels, or, for the present, in combination with the existing fleets of sailing ships, an ordnance specially dedicated to shell fire, and to shell fire alone. By its means the enormous superiority of Great Britain would be effectually eliminated, or transferred into the168 hands of France; her material would be rendered suddenly obsolete, her maritime power would shrivel; and the power of France would be augmented to such a degree that the defeat of these islands might at last be encompassed.

Such was the amiable intention of M. Paixhans.

The arguments which he employed in favour of his revolutionary proposals are of sufficient interest and importance, perhaps, to merit consideration. The past histories of the two navies showed, he argued, that the introduction of improvement or of innovation into either navy was shortly afterwards followed by its introduction into the other; so that there was never any important change in the relative naval strength of the two nations. It followed, therefore, that the only means by which power could be wrested from the possessor of it, must be such a change of system as would render useless the existing means by which that power was sustained. How could this be accomplished? Foreign nations had always felt the innate strength of England, residing in the race of splendid seamen (a highly specialized profession) who formed so great a part of her population. France especially had felt her own weakness in not possessing a reserve, a nursery of seamen, such as England had. If only seamanship could be discounted——! M. Paixhans proceeded to show that the coming of the steamer was itself an event which would go a long way to discount a superiority in seamanship. The accursed English “devil boat,”105 which had begun to spread its pall of smoke over all the northern waters, might be, in truth, a potent friend to France. Steam vessels required only a small and unskilled personnel to man them, instead of prime seamen. Steam vessels could always outstrip sailing ships, and thus could choose their own range and accept or decline battle as occasion required. Moreover, the effect of shell fire would be to upset completely the balance of power existing between big ships and little ships, as such. Instead of size being a measure of power, it would be a measure of vulnerability. The larger the ship the more she would be endangered. Costly three-deckers would cease to exist, and in their place small steam vessels, fast and heavily armed, easily man?uvred and perhaps encased in armour, would hold power. Thus the great obstacle to the acquirement by France of a large naval force—the necessity for a numerous and experienced personnel—would be easily169 removed. In short, the adoption of his scheme would in any case be most favourable to France. Even if it were simultaneously adopted by Great Britain its adoption would at least ensure that in future the naval power of the two states would be in proportion to the strength of their whole population, instead of only that part of it familiarized with maritime affairs.

Considering first the conversion of the existing French navy, he examined and enlarged upon the various inefficiencies inherent in the usual disposition of ship armaments; in the manner in which the unit and the number of units of artillery force were selected for any individual design of ship; in the variety of the units, and in the lack of system observed in the various proportions between the gun, the charge and the projectile. He observed that the constant tendency of development, both in the French and in the English navy, was in the replacing of smaller by greater calibres, by which process the diversity of calibres was diminished and the effective force of the armament increased. Continuing this process, it appeared that the ideal armament would be reached, the maximum degree of force would be attained, when unity of calibre was achieved. When the calibre of the largest-sized cannon carried on the principal gun deck of ships-of-the-line was adopted as the sole calibre used, the maximum of force would be attained: the greatest possible destructive effect combined with the greatest possible simplification of means. These remarks applied equally to a solid shot and to a shell gun armament. If for some reason it were decided not to adopt shell fire, nevertheless it would be of advantage to re-arm the French sailing fleets on this principle, with guns of one calibre.

M. Paixhans proposed as the unit the French 36-pounder. He explained the advantages to be derived from arming existing ships-of-the-line with 36-pounders all of the same calibre but of different weights on the respective decks. The guns on different decks would take different charges and would therefore project the shot with different muzzle velocities. They would be disposed, the heaviest on the lower deck; a lighter type (reamed out from 24-pounders) on the main deck; still lighter guns on the upper deck, and 36-pounder carronades on the quarter-deck and forecastle would complete the armament.

The employment of solid shot was not favoured by him, however, and he claimed the results of various trials as showing the170 superior offensive value of shells, when compared with solid shot. Comparing a solid shot and a shell of the same external dimensions discharged with the same muzzle velocity, the former, he said, had only the advantage in superior range and penetrative power. The latter, while having a range greater than those at which sea actions were invariably fought and sufficient penetrative power to effect a lodgment in a ship’s timbers, required less powder to propel it, a lighter and therefore more rapidly worked gun from which to discharge it, and it had a destructive effect enormously greater than that of the solid ball.

The complete proposal therefore involved the adoption of shell guns exclusively, new guns being made and old guns being reamed out as necessary to enable each ship to carry pieces of one calibre alone. The calibre proposed as unit was the long French 48-pounder. And, as an example of the way in which M. Paixhans would convert armaments, the case of the French 74-gun ship is here taken. This, wi............