THE BRITISH FORCES CROSS THE SUTLEJ, AND ARE CONCENTRATED AT KUSSOOR—VISIT OF GHOOLAB SINGH AND DHULEEP SINGH TO THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL—THE ARMY ADVANCE TO LAHORE—THE SIKH ARMY DISPERSE AND SURRENDER THEIR GUNS.
No action ever fought in the East was more decisive than that of Sobraon, and few battles of modern times have exhibited a greater loss in proportion to the numbers engaged.
It must appear that the enemy's intentions in building a bridge of boats across the river, in face of the British army, was to deter Sir Henry Hardinge from transferring the war to the opposite shore, where the Sikh soldiery[Pg 250] were well aware that they had much to apprehend from national dissension as well as private intrigue amongst the sirdars.
As the British army, after its concentration, subsequent to the battle of Ferozeshuhur, remained some time inactive, awaiting the arrival of the siege train, the enemy began to regain confidence. It appears probable that the Sikhs would, ere long, have commenced active hostile measures, otherwise the attitude assumed at Sobraon must be quite inexplicable.
It is almost superfluous to notice the error committed by the Sikhs in neglecting to complete their entrenchments, (for which they had ample time,) and in weakly garrisoning the weakest part of their works. To that cause, and fighting with a river in their rear, which offered a main obstacle to their retreat, must be attributed the enormous losses suffered by the enemy, from which a hasty retirement had saved them on former occasions.
In each action, the Sikhs had lost nearly all their cannon, and the greater part of their[Pg 251] artillerymen; and as these could not be replaced by raw levies, each defeat had been more serious than at the first glance it may have been considered. Indian history offers no parallel to the resolution displayed by the enemy in preparing for a renewal of active measures immediately after each defeat.[55] It had long been a favourite saying with military men in India, that the Sikhs would certainly fight one good battle when hostilities ensued, and that the remainder of the war would amount to no more than the reduction of their forts. This established maxim, however, did not prove that we were very thoroughly acquainted with the Sikh disposition—and after Ferozeshuhur, it lost all its advocates. The military theorists were compelled to trace a new line of operations, which proved, even after Sobraon, tolerably indefinite, for there[Pg 252] were few officers in the army who did not expect a smart action on the opposite shore.
The heavy losses suffered by the British at Sobraon, were mainly owing to the strong works which the centre and right divisions of the army so gallantly stormed. Had the attack upon those points been delayed until the enemy's weaker parts on his right had been carried, (the Sikh entrenchments being then taken in reverse,) his batteries would have been rendered unserviceable, whilst our horse artillery might, with the sappers' assistance, have been brought into the area of the works, to act against the disordered masses. Under such circumstances, it appears likely that the action would have been sooner over, and Sir Harry Smith's and General Gilbert's divisions spared the storm in which they suffered so heavily. At the same time that the enemy would have been compelled to face his new assailants, being attacked by the reserve division, his retreat would have been completely intercepted, and his final and utter destruction been apparently inevitable.
[Pg 253]
As it happened, the Sikh losses were undoubtedly enormous. The entrenchments were defended by about thirty thousand troops, Aeen battalions and Bundookcheras, besides irregulars and cavalry, who retreated early from the scene of action. Of this army, fully one half were destroyed in the trenches, or in the passage of the river. During the battle, four boats, connecting the bridge of boats with the opposite shore, had been removed, which caused the whole fabric rapidly to give way when oppressed with the weight of the retreating multitude. This removal of the boats was generally understood to have been a pre-concerted arrangement with Ghoolab Singh, for the destruction of a force which caused him, as well as many others, considerable disquietude. I give this merely as a prevalent report, and one likely enough to be true, judging from the accomplishments in treachery which the Sikh history evinces, in common with other nations of Hindostan; but the secrets of the political department are necessarily maintained for a time, and have not yet become public.
[Pg 254]
The revelation would certainly be inconvenient to Ghoolab Singh; and its suppression, if founded in fact, is perhaps incumbent on those in authority.
Whilst the Sikhs were thus being effectually repelled from our north-western frontier, the force in Scinde, under Sir Charles Napier, was rapidly advancing, to co-operate with the British main column. That energetic warrior hastened towards the scene of warfare, in advance of his forces, but did not succeed in reaching the field of operations before the final act of the tragedy had been performed, and the curtain had fallen. Those who are acquainted with that chivalrous family may judge of the disappointment endured by a Napier arriving too late for a battle!
At the same time that the British army were concentrated at Kussoor, Brigadier Wheler's division at Loodiana crossed the Sutlej, opposite the fortress of Philoor, unopposed by the Sikhs, although a portion of the Khalsas made their appearance in the neighbourhood; but finding that the ground had been preoccupied,[Pg 255] no attempt was made to molest the British general.
On the 11th, 12th, and 13th of February, the whole of the British army having been poured across the bridge of boats, advanced, and took post on the strong defensible ridge at Kussoor, where a picket of the enemy, which had occupied that position, fell back, and left them in undisputed possession of the strongest ground between the river and the metropolis.
The shattered remnant of the Sikh army, after the defeat at Sobraon, had fallen back, and bivouacked in the neighbourhood of Umritsir, where they remained irresolute, and awaiting the result of the deliberations going on at Lahore. The whole materiel of that army had been so utterly dismantled, that little apprehension was entertained of even such efforts as might be prompted by the influence of despair. Their guns,[56] in which the main[Pg 256] confidence of the Sikh army had ever been placed, had been nearly all captured, and their artillerymen lay on the field of Sobraon. The Aeen battalions, who had readily and gallantly borne the brunt of battle in defence of the batteries and entrenchments, had suffered most severely, especially in the two last engagements. Under this combination of disasters, the Khalsa army was from that day forth no longer worthy of consideration; nor is there any probability that the Sikhs will ever again, during our time, arrive at the same military predominance which they once possessed.
Still, it appeared doubtful that our advance towards the capital would be effected without another struggle, for their mettle had been now too fully tested to be treated any longer with contempt; though any efforts which might be made when reinforced from Lahore must have been hopeless, as no time had been allowed them to entrench themselves. It was conjectured that the sirdars would willingly come forward to sue for terms, but their influ[Pg 257]ence with the Punchayut was not reckoned on with much certainty.
In the midst of all doubts on this head, on the 15th of February Rajah Ghoolab Singh, who had long corresponded through secret emissaries with the British government, approached the lines of Kussoor in order to sue for a suspension of hostilities, and, accompanied by a slender escort, arrived at our outposts.
The Sikh chieftains, with little show of the pride or pomp of other days, and dressed in the simplest garb of Asiatic soldiery, were conducted to the quarters of Sir Henry Hardinge, and received with solemn distrust.
No eagerness was manifested on the part of the British government to negotiate with the deputation from the Lahore court; but Ghoolab Singh and his companions exhibited such unquestionable proofs of uneasiness, anxiety, and humility, that it was almost painful to behold the stately and chilling deportment which it was deemed politically expedient to assume towards the humbled Sikh chieftains. No firing[Pg 258] of cannon, no ceremonious salutes were made use of on the occasion; and when Ghoolab Singh tendered his nazzur[57] he was requested to keep his presents until he had sufficiently testified, by his future fidelity, the dependence which might be placed upon his amicable professions towards the British.
The crest-fallen chiefs appeared willing and anxious to assent to such conditions as were demanded, and listened with affected humiliation and evident apprehension to the catalogue of iniquities laid to the charge of their countrymen. When, at length, Ghoolab and his chosen colleagues retired to a secret and conclusive interview with the secretaries, it was more with the air of malefactors about to receive their sentence, than with the bearing of men who professed themselves the firm and faithful advocates of British supremacy. The Sikh chiefs were vested with full powers from the Lahore Durbar and the military Punchayut, to arrange whatever terms could be obtained, and,[Pg 259] after an interview protracted to a late hour of the night, the rajah took his ............