THE CONDUCT AND CHARACTER OF THE SOUTHERN SLAVE-HOLDER, VINDICATED.

One of the peculiar features in the practice of Abolition champions, is to discredit every statement proceeding from all others, except from themselves: and in this respect they resemble very much, as I stated in the preceding part of this pamphlet, the champions of Infidelity! If there be, therefore, any truth in the common adage, that "none are so suspicious as those [50]who are conscious that their own statements ought not to be credited," there can be no difficulty in accounting for the unbelief of those gentlemen.

No one pretends to deny that there are in the South, some cruel, irreligious—inhuman—slave-holders—and who will have the hardihood to deny that there are also in the North, thousands of cruel, irreligious and inhuman, masters, husbands, and fathers! Would the latter fact be a justifiable reason for branding all the masters, husbands, and fathers, in the North, as a set of cruel, irreligious, inhuman monsters? Ah, but says the Abolitionist, they do not use the lash in the North.—Don't they? If not, it is only because many prefer the cudgel, which they use liberally on the head, back, and limbs of their unfortunate white slaves! How many think you (in this religious city of Philadelphia) white masters, and white husbands, and white fathers, are annually bound over or punished for cruelty to their white apprentices—white wives—and white children? And how many more are they, whose barbarity never comes to light, or whose wealth shelters them? Methinks the effects of the cruelty of a husband or of a father, would be just as sore on the back or head of a wife, or of a child, as if they were the effects of the cruelty of a slave-holder: a rose smells as sweet by any other name! You reply they cannot sell them here; I answer, it would be far to the advantage of many if they could.

But now to the matter of this chapter: it is constantly published and circulated by Abolitionists that so hard-hearted, brutal, and inhuman are all the slave-holders in the South, that they all desire slavery, are all inimical to freedom, and revel in their iniquity. So far from this being the case, I reply that the vast [51]majority of them, regret the necessity of holding slaves—are anxious to have them emancipated, and would hail with delight any plan by means of which they could emancipate them, with safety to themselves, and with safety to their slaves. Let us hear the testimony of a few of them on the subject, recollecting that according to the principles of common justice, as established in all civilized nations, it is not lawful to consider a man unworthy of credit till he is first proved to be a liar.

Patrick Henry says,—

    "I repeat it again, that it would rejoice my very soul that every one of my fellow beings was emancipated. As we ought with gratitude to admire that decree of heaven which has numbered us among the free, we ought to lament and deplore the necessity of holding our fellow men in bondage."—Debates in Virginia Convention.

Zachariah Johnson says,—

    "Slavery has been the foundation of that impiety and dissipation which have been so much disseminated among our countrymen. If it were totally abolished, it would do much good." Ibid.

Judge Tucker says,—

    "The introduction of slavery into this country, is, at this day, considered among its greatest misfortunes." And in 1803, he said, after pronouncing slavery to be "a calamity, a reproach, and a curse,"—"those who wish to postpone emancipation, do not reflect that every day renders the task more arduous to be performed."

General Harper says,—

    "It tends, and may powerfully tend, to rid us gradually and entirely in the United States, of slaves and slavery, a great moral and political evil, of increasing virulence and extent, from which much mischief is now felt, and very great calamity in future, is justly apprehended. It speaks not only to our understandings, but to our senses; and however it may be derided [52]by some, or overlooked by others, who have not the ability or time, or do not give themselves the trouble to reflect on, and estimate properly, the force and extent of those great moral and physical causes, which prepare gradually, and at length bring forth the most terrible convulsions in civil society; it will not be viewed without deep and awful apprehensions by any who shall bring sound minds, and some share of political knowledge and sagacity, to the serious consideration of the subject. Such persons will give their most serious attention to any proposition which has for its object, the eradication of this terrible mischief lurking in our vitals."—Letter on Colonization Society.

Darby says,—

    "Copying from Montesquieu, and not from observation of nature, climate has been called upon to account for stains on the human character, imprinted by the hand of political mistake. No country where negro slavery is established, but must bear, in part, the wounds inflicted on nature and justice. Without pursuing a train of metaphysical reasoning, we may at once draw this induction, that if slavery, like pain, is one of the laws of existence, the latter does not more certainly produce physical weakness, debility, and death, than does the former lessen the purity of virtue in the human breast."—History of Louisiana.

M'Call says,—

    "It is shocking to human nature, that any race of mankind, and their posterity, should be sentenced to perpetual slavery." History of Georgia.

General Mercer says,—

    "For, although it is believed, and is, indeed, too obvious to require proof, that the colonization of the free people of colour alone, would not only tend to civilize Africa; to abolish the slave-trade; and greatly to advance their own happiness; but to promote that also of the other classes of society, the proprietors and slaves; yet the hope of the gradual and utter abolition of slavery, in a manner consistent with the rights, interests, and happiness of society, ought never to be abandoned."—Report to Colonization Society.

[53]F. S. Key, Esq. says,—

    "I hope I may be excused, if I add, that the subject which engages us, is one in which it is our right to act—as much our right to act, as it is the right of those who differ from us not to act. If we believe in the existence of a great moral and political evil amongst us, and that duty, honour, and interest, call upon us to prepare the way for its removal, we must act. All that can be required of us, is, that we act discreetly," &c.—Speech before Colonization Society.

Mr. Clay says,—

    "If they would repress all tendencies towards liberty and ultimate emancipation, they must do more than put down the benevolent efforts of this society. They must penetrate the human soul, and eradicate the light of reason, and the love of liberty. Our friends, who are cursed with this greatest of human evils, (slavery,) deserve our kindest attention and consideration. Their property and safety are both involved."—Speech before Colonization Society.

William H. Fitzhugh, Esq. says,—

    "Slavery, in its mildest form, is an evil of the darkest character. Cruel and unnatural in its origin, no plea can be urged in justification of its continuance, but the plea of necessity; not that necessity which arises from our habits, our prejudices, or our wants; but the necessity which requires us to submit to existing evils, rather than substitute, by their removal, others of a more serious and destructive character. There is no riveted attachment to slavery, prevailing extensively, in any portion of our country. Its injurious effects on our habits, our morals, our individual wealth, and more especially on our national strength and prosperity, are universally felt, and almost universally acknowledged."

Mr. Levasseur says,—

    "Happily, there is no part of the civilized world, in which it is necessary to discuss the justice or injustice of the principle of negro slavery; at the present day, every sane man agrees that it is a monstrosity, and it would be altogether inaccurate, [54]to suppose that there are in the United States, more than elsewhere, individuals sufficiently senseless to seek to defend it, either by their writings or conversation. For myself, who have traversed the twenty-four states of the union, and in the course of a year have had more than one opportunity of hearing long and keen discussions upon this subject, I declare that I never have found but a single person, who seriously defended this principle. This was a young man, whose head, sufficiently imperfect in its organization, was filled with confused and ridiculous notions relative to Roman History; and appeared to be completely ignorant of the history of his own country. It would be waste of time, to repeat here, his crude and ignorant tirade."

These are the sentiments of MEN OF EMINENT TALENTS, CITIZENS OF THE SOUTH, AND SLAVE-HOLDERS!

Lastly, the Southern Reporter says,—

    "The conscientious slave-holder deserves a larger share of the sympathy of those who have sympathy to spare, than any other class of men, not excepting the slave himself." "One great evil of the system is its tendency to produce disorder and poverty in a country." "The slave-trade may be regarded as a conspiracy of all Europe and the commercial part of this continent, not only against Africa, but in a more aggravated sense, against these southern regions."

    "Almost all masters, in Virginia, assent to the proposition, that when slaves can be liberated without danger to themselves, and to their own advantage, it ought to be done. If there are few who think otherwise in Virginia, I feel assured that there are few such any where in the south!" [See Dr. Reese's Letters to the Hon. William Jay, p. 50-53.]

But if it be now asked why do they not liberate them, as they appear so anxious so to do? I reply that totally independent of the considerations above stated, the law of the land prohibits their so doing unless they give large security, or send them abroad. So that in fact the Abolitionists themselves are now the actual slave-holders of thousands! For by their [55]calumniating and misrepresenting the motives of the advocates of the Colonization Society, they have prevented the influx of such means to that body as would have enabled it to relieve the slave-holder from that bondage under which he labours, and thus free his slaves!

Another calumny circulated is respecting the state of ignorance and irreligion in which all the slave-holders keep their slaves. This is as great a falsehood as ever was uttered by man or Devils, if we are to give any credit to the testimony of every good and pious man who lives in, or has visited, the South.

The following testimony I the more readily adduce because it is taken from the Report published by the Abolitionists, of the Discussion between Mr. Breckinridge and Mr. Thompson; and the truth of which I find the latter gentleman does not attempt to deny.

    "RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION OF SLAVES.

    "The Southern Evangelical Society, is the title of a proposed association, among the Presbyterians of the South, for the propagation of the gospel among the people of colour. The constitution originated in the synod of North Carolina, and is to go into effect as soon as adopted by the synod of Virginia, or that of South Carolina and Georgia. The voting members of the society are to be elected by the synods. Honorary members are created by the payment of 30 dollars. All members of synods united with the society are corresponding members—other corresponding members may be chosen by the voting members. Article 4th of the constitution provides that 'there shall not exist between this society and any other society, any connexion whatever, except with a similar society in the slave-holding states.' Several resolutions follow the constitution—one of these provides that a presbytery in a slave-holding district of the country, not united with a synod in connexion with the society, may become a member by its own act. The 5th and 6th resolutions are as follows:—

    "Resolved, 5. That it be very respectfully and earnestly [56]recommended to all the heads of families in connexion with our congregations, to take up and vigorously prosecute the business of seeking the salvation of the slaves in the way of maintaining and promoting family religion.

    "Resolved, 6. That it be enjoined on all the presbyteries composing this synod to take order at their earliest meeting to obtain full and correct statistical information as to the number of people of colour, in the bounds of our several congregations, the number in actual attendance at our several places of worship, and the number of coloured members in our several churches, and make a full report to the synod at its next meeting, and for this purpose, that the clerk of this synod furnish a copy of this resolution to the stated clerk of each presbytery."

    "The next document carried them one state farther South, and related to South Carolina, in which that horrible Gov. M'Duffie, who seems to haunt Mr. Thompson's imagination with his threats of 'death without benefit of clergy,' lives, and perhaps still rules. It is taken from the same paper as the next preceding extract:—

    "RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION OF SLAVES.

    "From an intelligent New Englander at the South:—

    "To the Editor of the New York Observer—

    "I am apprehensive that many of your readers, who feel a lively interest in the welfare of the slaves, are not correctly and fully informed as to their amount of religious instruction. From the speeches of Mr. Thompson and others, they might be led to believe that slaves in our Southern states never read a Bible, hear a gospel sermon, or partake of a gospel ordinance. It is to be hoped, however, that little credit will be given to such misrepresentations, notwithstanding the zeal and industry with which they are disseminated.

    "What has been done on a single Plantation.

    "I will now inform your readers what has been done, and is now doing, for the moral and religious improvement of the slaves on a single plantation, with which I am well acquainted, and these few facts may serve as a commentary on the unsupported [57]assertions of Mr. Thompson and others. And here I could wish that all who are so ready to denounce every man that is so unfortunate as to be born to a heritage of slaves, could go to that plantation, and see with their own eyes, and hear with their own ears, the things which I despair of adequately describing. Truly, I think they would be more inclined, and better qualified to use those weapons of light and love which have been so ably and justly commended to their hands.

    "On this plantation there are from 150 to 200 slaves, the finest looking body that I have seen on any estate. Their master and mistress have felt for years how solemn are the responsibilities connected with such a charge; and they have not shrunk from meeting them. The means used for their spiritual good, are abundant. They enjoy the constant preaching of the gospel. A young minister of the Presbyterian church, who has received a regular collegiate and theological education, is labouring among them, and derives his entire support from the master, with the exception of a trifling sum which he receives for preaching one Sabbath in each month, for a neighbouring church. On the Sabbath and during the week you may see them filling the place of worship, from the man of gray hairs to the small child, all neatly and comfortably clothed, listening with respectful, and in many cases, eager attention to the truth as it is in Jesus, delivered in terms adapted to their capacities, and in a manner suited to their peculiar habits, feelings and circumstances;—engaging with solemnity and propriety in the solemn exercise of prayer, and mingling their melodious voices in the hymn of praise. Sitting among them are the white members of the family encouraging them by their attendance, manifesting their interest in the exercises, and their anxiety for the eternal well being of their people. Of the whole number 45 or 50 have made a profession of religion, and others are evidently deeply concerned.

    "Let me now conduct you to a Bible class of 10 or 12 adults who can read, met with their Bibles to study and have explained to them the word of God. They give unequivocal demonstrations of much interest in their employment, and of an earnest desire to understand and remember what they read. From hence we will go to another room where are assembled 18 or 20 [58]lads attending upon catechetical instruction conducted by their young master. Here you will notice many intelligent countenances, and will be struck with the promptitude and correctness of their answers.

    "But the most interesting spectacle is yet before you. It is to be witnessed in the Infant School Room, nicely fitted up and supplied with the customary cards and other appurtenances. Here, every day in the week, you may find 25 or 30 children neatly clad, and wearing bright and happy faces. And as you notice their correct deportment, hear their unhesitating replies to the questions proposed, and above all, when they unite their sweet voices in their touching songs, if your heart is not affected and your eyes do not fill, you are the hardest-hearted and driest-eyed visitor that has ever been there. But who is their teacher? Their mistress, a lady whose amiable christian character, and most gifted and accomplished manners are surpassed by none. From day to day—month to month, and year to year, she has cheerfully left her splendid halls and circle of friends to visit her school room, where, standing up before those young immortals, she trains them in the way in which they should go, and leads them to Him who said, 'suffer little children to come unto me.'

    "From the Infant School Room, we will walk through a beautiful lawn half a mile, to a pleasant grove commanding a view of miles in extent. Here is a brick chapel rising for the accommodation of this interesting family—sufficiently large to receive 2 or 300 hearers. When completed, in beauty and convenience it will be surpassed by few churches in the Southern country.

    "On the plantation you might see also many other things of great interest. Here a negro is the overseer. Marriages are regularly contracted. No negro is sold, except as a punishment for bad behaviour, and a dreaded one it is. None is bought save for the purpose of uniting families. Here you will hear no clanking of chains, no cracking of whips; (I have never seen a blow struck on the estate,) and here last, but not least, you will find a flourishing Temperance Society embracing almost every individual on the premises. And yet the 'Christianity of the South is a chain-forging, a whip-platting—marriage discouraging, Bible-withholding Christianity!'

    "I have confined myself to a single plantation. But I might [59]add many interesting facts in regard to others, and the state of feeling in general, but I forbear.

    Yours, &c.

    A NEW-ENGLAND MAN.

    "He would now connect the peculiar and local facts of the preceding statement, with the whole community of slave-holders in the same state; and show by competent and disinterested testimony the real and common state of things. The following extracts were from a letter printed in the New York Observer of July 25, 1835.

    "I have resided eight years in South Carolina, and have an extensive acquaintance with the planters of the middle and low country. I have seen much of slavery, and feel competent to speak in regard to many facts connected with it.

    "What your correspondent has stated of the condition of one plantation, is, in its essential points, a common case throughout the whole circle of my acquaintance.

    "The negroes generally in this state are well fed, well clothed, and have the means of religious instruction. According to my best judgment, the work which a slave here is required to do, amounts to about one third the ordinary labour commonly performed by a New-England farmer. A similar comparison would hold true in regard to the labour of domestics. In the family where I reside, consisting of nine white persons, seven slaves are employed to do the work. This is a common case.

    "In the village where I live there are about 400 slaves, and they generally attend church. More than one hundred of them are members of the church. Perhaps 200 are assembled every Sabbath in the Sunday Schools. In my own Sunday School are about 60, and most of them professors of religion. They are perfectly accessible and teachable. In the town of my former residence in New-England, there were 300 free blacks. No more than 8 or 10 of those were professors of religion, and not more than twice that number could generally be induced to attend church. They could not be induced to send their children to the district schools, which were always open to them, nor could they generally be hired to work. They were thievish, wretched and troublesome. I have no hesitation in saying, and I say it deliberately, it would be a great blessing to them to exchange conditions with the slaves of the village in which I now live. Their [60]intellectual and moral characters, and real means of improvement, would be promoted by the exchange.

    "There are doubtless some masters who treat their slaves cruelly in this State, but they are exceptions to the general fact. Public opinion is in a wholesome state, and the man who does not treat his slaves kindly, is disgraced.

    "Great and increasing efforts are made to instruct the slaves in religion, and elevate their characters. Missionaries are employed solely for their benefit. It is very common for ministers to preach in the forenoon to the whites, and in the afternoon of each Sabbath to the blacks. The slaves of my acquaintance are generally contented and happy. The master is reprobated who will divide families. Many thousands of slaves of this State give evidence of piety. In many churches they form the majority. Thousands of them give daily thanks to God, that they or their fathers were brought to this land of Slavery.

    "And now, perhaps, I ought to add, that I am not a slave-holder, and do not intend to continue in a slave country; but wherever I may be, I intend to speak the TRUTH.

    "The next document related particularly to Virginia,—the largest and most powerful of the slave states; but had also a general reference to the whole south, and to the whole question at issue. The sentiments it contained were entitled to extraordinary consideration, on account of the source of them. Mr. Van Renselaer was the son of one of the most wealthy and distinguished citizens of the great free state of New York. He had gone to Virginia to preach to the slaves. He had everywhere succeeded; was everywhere beloved by the slaves, and honoured by their masters. He had access to perhaps forty different plantations,—on which he from time to time preached,—and which might have been doubled, had his strength been equal to the task. In the midst of his usefulness—the storm of abolition arose. Mr. Thompson, like some baleful star, landed on our shores; organized a reckless agitation, made many at the north frantic with folly—and as many at the south furious with passion. Mr. Van Renselaer, like many others, saw a storm raging which they had no power to control; and like them withdrew from his benevolent labours. The following brief statements made by him at a great meeting of the Colonization Society of New York, exhibit his own view of the conduct and duty of the parties.

    [61]"The Rev. Cortlandt Van Renselaer, formerly of Albany, but who has lately resided in Virginia, addressed the meeting, and after alluding to the difference of opinion which prevailed among the friends of Colonization, touching the present condition and treatment of the coloured population in this country, proceeded to offer reasons why the people of the North should approach their brethren in the South, who held the control of the coloured population, with deference, and in a spirit of kindness and conciliation.

    "These reasons were briefly as follows: 1. Because the people of the South had not consented to the original introduction of slaves into the country, but had solemnly, earnestly, and repeatedly remonstrated against it. 2. Because, having been born in the presence of slavery, and accustomed to it from their infancy, they could not be expected to view it in the same light as we view it at the North. 3. Slavery being there established by law, it was not in the power of individuals to act in regard to it as their personal feelings might dictate. The evil had not been eradicated from the state of New York all at once: it had been a gradual process, commencing with the law of 1799, and not consummated until 1827. Ought we to denounce our Southern neighbours if they refused to do the work at a blow? 4. The constitution of the United States, tolerated slavery, in its articles apportioning representation with reference to the slave population, and requiring the surrender of runaway slaves. 5. Slavery had been much mitigated of late years, and the condition of the slave population much ameliorated. Its former rigour was almost unknown, at least in Virginia, and it was lessening continually. It was not consistent with truth to represent the slaves as groaning day and night under the lash of tyrannical task-masters. And as to being kept in perfect ignorance, Mr. V. had seldom seen a plantation where some of the slaves could not read, and where they were not encouraged to learn. In South Carolina, where it was said the gospel was systematically denied to the slave, there were twenty thousand of them church-members in the Methodist denomination alone. He knew a small church where out of 70 communicants, 50 were in slavery. 6. There were very great difficulties connected with the work of Abolition. The relations of slavery had ramified [62]themselves through all the relations of society. The slaves were comparatively very ignorant; their character degraded; and they were unqualified for immediate freedom. A blunder in such a concern as universal Abolition, would be no light matter. Mr. V. here referred to the result of experience and personal observation on the mind of the well known Mr. Parker, late a minister of this city, but now of New Orleans. He had left this city for the South with the feelings of an immediate Abolitionist; but he had returned with his views wholly changed. After seeing slavery and slave-holders, and that at the far South, he now declared the idea of immediate and universal Abolition to be a gross absurdity. To liberate the two and a half millions of slaves in the midst of us, would be just as wise and as humane, as it would be for the father of a numerous family of young children to take them to the front door, and there bidding them good bye, tell them they were free, and send them out into the world to provide for and govern themselves. 7. Foreign interference was, of necessity, a delicate thing, and ought ever to be attempted with the utmost caution. 8. There was a large amount of unfeigned Christian anxiety at the South to obey God and to do good to man. There were many tears and prayers continually poured out over the condition of their coloured people, and the most earnest desire to mitigate their sorrows. Were such persons to be approached with vituperation and anathemas? 9. There was no reason why all our sympathies should be confined to the coloured race and utterly withheld from our white Southern brethren. The apostle Paul exhibited no such spirit. 10. A regard to the interest of the slaves themselves dictated a cautious and prudent and forbearing course. It called for conciliation: for the fate of the slaves depended on the will of their masters, nor could the North prevent it. The late laws against teaching slaves to read had not been passed until the Southern people found inflammatory publications circulating among the coloured people. 11. The spirit of the gospel forbade all violence, abuse and threatening. The apostles had wished to call fire from heaven on those they considered as Christ's enemies; but the Saviour instead of approving this fiery zeal, had rebuked it. 12. These Southern people, who were represented as so grossly violating all Christian duty, had been [63]the subjects of gracious blessings from God in the outpourings of his Spirit. 13. When God convinced men of error, he did it in the spirit of mercy; we ought to endeavour to do the same thing in the same spirit."

The last testimony that I shall adduce on this subject is from "The Plea for Africa" [p. 160, 164] in which the writer says,

    "There is certainly a pleasing and commendable spirit exhibited, after all the precautionary provisions of legislative acts, by the christian community at the South, in respect to the religious instruction of their slaves. I have before me a letter from an eminent clergyman of Virginia, a part of which I will read, since you may from such sources be better able to apprehend the true feeling of Christians at the South, and the actual condition of the slaves:

    "'To give you an idea of the feeling of the Christian community toward that unfortunate class of people which we have among us, I would refer you to the articles which appeared in the Religious Telegraph during the last year, signed, 'Zinzindorf,' and which terminated in passing a resolution in the synod of Virginia, recommending every church in the State, to set apart one of its best qualified members, whose duty it shall be to give religious instruction to the coloured people. And I am happy to state, that many enter upon this self-denying, though pleasing duty.

    "'We hope that the public mind is fast preparing for a general emancipation, and that the Christian community will not be remiss in instructing and preparing the coloured people for the colony. The redeeming spirit is amongst us, I hope, and will not rest till every slave shall be restored to the land of their fathers, and this State placed upon a footing with the other happy States of our union, who know not the curses of slavery.'

    "I have also before me a letter from Georgia, written by a distinguished gentleman to his friend, on the same subject, which reads as follows:

    "'With regard to your inquiries about the religious instruction of the Negroes of the South, I would state, that we have [64]much reason to be grateful for what is doing, and for what in prospect may be done. My knowledge on this subject is confined to Georgia and South Carolina; I visited Bryan county, Georgia, a few weeks since, for the exclusive purpose of seeing what was doing there for the Negroes. On one plantation I found the slaves far more improved, both as regards their temporal comforts, and their religious instruction, than I had expected to see. The number of Negroes on this plantation is, I believe, about two hundred. They live in framed houses, raised above the ground—spacious, and in every way comfortable, and calculated to promote health. The Negroes were uniformly clad in a very decent and comfortable way. There is a chapel on the place where the master meets the adults every night at the ringing of the bell. Reading a portion of Scripture, and explaining it, singing, and prayer, constitute the regular exercises of every night in the week. On the Sabbath they have different and more protracted exercises.

    "'A day school is taught by two young ladies—embracing all the children under twelve or fifteen years of age. The instruction in this and other schools in the county, is oral, of course; but it was gratifying to see how great an amount of knowledge the children had acquired in a few months. A Presbyterian minister of Philadelphia was with me, and he said, in unqualified terms, that he visited no infant schools at the North better conducted—Schools on the same plan are now established on the several other plantations in the same county. And I think I may say there is a very general interest getting up on this subject. A large portion of the wealthy planters either have already, or contemplate building churches on their premises, and employing chaplains to preach to their slaves. Several I could mention who, though they are not pious themselves, have done this already, from what they have seen of the beneficial influence of religious instruction on the slaves of other plantations. Persons at a distance may be surprised at this fact, but it is so in a number of cases that I could name, if it were necessary. Ministers of all denominations begin to awake to their duty and responsibility on this subject. Many of them are now devoting themselves wholly to this portion of our community; and it is to be hoped that every christian master will soon be brought to an enlightened sense of [65]duty. And if we are allowed to prosecute this work without indiscreet interference on the part of our Northern brethren, I feel assured that we shall see the Negroes far more improved in a short time than they are at present.'

    "Of the religious condition of the slaves in South Carolina, a clergyman in that State writes:

    "I am able from authentic information to say, that of the five hundred and eighty thousand, which compose the entire population of this State, about sixty-seven thousand are members in the Baptist, Methodist, Presbyterian, and Episcopalian churches. Of these communicants more than forty thousand are slaves. The whole slave population is 315,000. It is easily seen, therefore, that of the white population about one-seventh are church members. It is proper these facts should come into the estimate of the religious condition and prospects of our slaves. In New-England there are twenty thousand, and in the free states a hundred and twenty-thousand blacks. I should be glad to see a comparison of their religious condition with that of our slaves in this one item. Do you believe that one-twentieth of them are communicants? And do you believe that in New-England, as here, there is a larger proportion of black than white communicants? And what is doing there to improve the moral condition of the blacks?"

    "I might multiply proofs of a disposition prevailing extensively at the South in all the States to give to the slaves religious instruction, and all practicable religious privileges. I think the general feeling on this subject is greatly misapprehended in the non-slave-holding States. The evils of slavery are great, but they ought not to be magnified either by representing the slaves as deprived of all religious privileges, or their masters as destitute of christian benevolence and the feelings of humanity."