It was necessary that the country should be governed, even though Mr Bonteen had been murdered — and in order that it should be duly governed it was necessary that Mr Bonteen’s late place at the Board of Trade should be filled. There was some hesitation as to the filling it, and when the arrangement was completed people were very much surprised indeed. Mr Bonteen had been appointed chiefly because it was thought that he might in that office act as a quasi House of Commons deputy to the Duke of Omnium in carrying out his great scheme of a five-farthinged penny and a ten-pennied shilling. The Duke, in spite of his wealth and rank and honour, was determined to go on with his great task. Life would be nothing to him now unless he could at least hope to arrange the five farthings. When his wife had bullied him about the Garter he had declared to her, and with perfect truth, that he had never asked for anything. He had gone on to say that he never would ask for anything; and he certainly did not think that he was betraying himself with reference to that assurance when he suggested to Mr Gresham that he would himself take the place left vacant by Mr Bonteen — of course retaining his seat in the Cabinet.

“I should hardly have ventured to suggest such an arrangement to Your Grace,” said the Prime Minister.

“Feeling that it might be so, I thought that I would venture to ask,” said the Duke. “I am sure you know that I am the last man to interfere as to place or the disposition of power.”

“Quite the last man,” said Mr Gresham.

“But it has always been held that the Board of Trade is not incompatible with the Peerage.”

“Oh dear, yes.”

“And I can feel myself nearer to this affair of mine there than I can elsewhere.”

Mr Gresham of course had no objection to urge. This great nobleman, who was now asking for Mr Bonteen’s shoes, had been Chancellor of the Exchequer, and would have remained Chancellor of the Exchequer had not the mantle of his nobility fallen upon him. At the present moment he held an office in which peers are often temporarily shelved, or put away, perhaps, out of harm’s way for the time, so that they may be brought down and used when wanted, without having received crack or detriment from that independent action into which a politician is likely to fall when his party is “in” but he is still “out’. He was Lord Privy Seal — a Lordship of State which does carry with it a status and a seat in the Cabinet, but does not necessarily entail any work. But the present Lord, who cared nothing for status, and who was much more intent on his work than he was even on his seat in the Cabinet, was possessed by what many of his brother politicians regarded as a morbid dislike to pretences. He had not been happy during his few weeks of the Privy Seal, and had almost envied Mr Bonteen the realities of the Board of Trade. “I think upon the whole it will be best to make the change,” he said to Mr Gresham. And Mr Gresham was delighted.

But there were one or two men of mark — one or two who were older than Mr Gresham probably, and less perfect in their Liberal sympathies — who thought that the Duke of Omnium was derogating from his proper position in the step which he was now taking. Chief among these was his friend the Duke of St Bungay, who alone perhaps could venture to argue the matter with him. “I almost wish that you had spoken to me first,” said the elder Duke.

“I feared that I should find you so strongly opposed to my resolution.”

“If it was a resolution.”

“I think it was,” said the younger. “It was a great misfortune to me that I should have been obliged to leave the House of Commons.”

“You should not feel it so.”

“My whole life was there,” said he who, as Plantagenet Palliser, had been so good a commoner.

“But your whole life should certainly not be there now — nor your whole heart. On you the circumstances of your birth have imposed duties quite as high, and I will say quite as useful, as any which a career in the House of Commons can put within the reach of a man.”

“Do you think so, Duke?”

“Certainly I do. I do think that the England which we know could not be the England that she is but for the maintenance of a high-minded, proud, and self-denying nobility. And though with us there is no line dividing our very broad aristocracy into two parts, a higher and a lower, or a greater and a smaller, or a richer and a poorer, nevertheless we all feel that the success of our order depends chiefly on the conduct of those whose rank is the highest and whose means are the greatest. To some few, among whom you are conspicuously one, wealth has been given so great and rank so high that much of the welfare of your country depends on the manner in which you bear yourself as the Duke of Omnium.”

“I would not wish to think so.”

“Your uncle so thought. And, though he was a man very different from you, not inured to work in his early life, with fewer attainments, probably a slower intellect, and whose general conduct was inferior to your own — I speak freely because the subject is important — he was a man who understood his position and the requirements of his order very thoroughly. A retinue almost Royal, together with an expenditure which Royalty could not rival, secured for him the respect of the nation.”

“Your life has not been as was his, and you have won a higher respect.”

“I think not. The greater part of my life was spent in the House of Commons, and my fortune was never much more than the tenth of his. But I wish to make no such comparison.”

“I must make it, if I am to judge which I would follow.”

“Pray understand me, my friend,” said the old man, energetically. “I am not advising you to abandon public life in order that you may live in repose as a great nobleman. It would not be in your nature to do so, nor could the country afford to lose your services. But you need not therefore take your place in the arena of politics as though you were still Plantagenet Palliser, with no other duties than those of a politician — as you might so well have done had your uncle’s titles and wealth descended to a son.”

“I wish they had,” said the regretful Duke.

“It cannot be so. Your brother perhaps wishes that he were a Duke, but it has been arranged otherwise. It is vain to repine. Your wife is unhappy because your uncle’s Garter was not at once given to you.”

“Glencora is like other women — of course.”

“I share her feelings. Had Mr Gresham consulted me, I should not have scrupled to tell him that it would have been for the welfare of his party that the Duke of Omnium should be graced with any and every honour in his power to bestow. Lord Cantrip is my friend, almost as warmly as are you; but the country would not have missed the ribbon from the breast of Lord Cantrip. Had you been more the Duke, and less the slave of your country, it would have been sent to you. Do I make you angry by speaking so?”

“Not in the least. I have but one ambition.”

“And that is —?”

“To be the serviceable slave of my country.”

“A master is more serviceable than a slave,” said the old man.

“No; no; I deny it. I can admit much from you, but I cannot admit that. The politician who becomes the master of his country sinks from the statesman to the tyrant.”

“We misunderstand each other, my friend. Pitt, and Peel, and Palmerston, were not tyrants, though each assumed and held for himself to the last the mastery of which I speak. Smaller men who have been slaves, have been as patriotic as they, but less useful. I regret that you should follow Mr Bonteen in his office.”

“Because he was Mr Bonteen.”

“All the circumstances of the transfer of office occasioned by your uncle’s death seem to me to make it undesirable. I would not have you make yourself too common. This very murder adds to the feeling. Because Mr Bonteen has been lost to us, the Minister has recourse to you.”

“It was my own suggestion.&rd............