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CHAPTER VI FALL OF MYSORE
 1793–1799. France declares War—Expedition against Pondicherry—Surrender of Pondicherry—Peace reigns in India—Lunkia Naik—Floyd’s large allowances—French adventurers in India—Tippoo’s growing hostility—Disarmament of Nizam’s force under French officers—Army formed under General Harris—Tippoo’s intrigues—Galloper Guns—Advance on Mysore—Battle of Mallavelly—Seringapatam invested—The Bombay Army—The Rajah of Coorg—Signal guns—Seringapatam taken—Tardy recognition in England of services performed in India—Badge of “Seringapatam.”
On the 1st February 1793, the French National Convention declared war against Great Britain. The news was[100] at once dispatched to India by the British Consul at Alexandria, and reached Calcutta on the 11th June. Lord Cornwallis acted with great promptitude, and, without awaiting further communications from England, issued orders for taking possession of the French territories in India. The troops in the vicinity of Wallajabad, among whom were the 19th Light Dragoons, were at once put in motion under Colonel Floyd, and encamped before Pondicherry on the 11th July, while the place was blockaded by sea by such ships as were available. On the 28th July, Colonel Brathwaite, who had succeeded Major General Medows as local Commander in Chief, took command of the force, which by this time amounted to 10,500 men. According to the returns of 1st August, the strength of the 19th Light Dragoons, at that date, was 274, exclusive of sick. Siege operations were commenced on the 10th August, and fire was opened on the 20th. On the 22nd Pondicherry capitulated, and was taken possession of on the following day. The British loss amounted to 248 killed, wounded, and missing. One hundred and sixty-six guns, with a great quantity of military stores, fell into the hands of our troops, and Pondicherry ceased to be a French possession until the Peace of Amiens. The part taken in the siege by the cavalry was naturally a subordinate one, as the enemy had no force in the field that could interrupt operations.
On the fall of Pondicherry, the 19th Light Dragoons returned for a time to their old quarters at Shevtamodoo. Colonel Floyd remained at Pondicherry, in command of the place, for a few months, when he was appointed to command the Southern Division of the Madras forces, with his Head Quarters at Trichinopoly. In 1794, we find the 19th quartered at Seringham, near Trichinopoly. In the following year, they were encamped on the Trichinopoly plain, and in[101] 1796, they were moved into the cavalry cantonments at Trichinopoly.
For five years the war was confined to Europe. The French flag was not seen on the coasts of India, nor was any Frenchman in arms, with the exception of those in the service of Native States, to be found in the country. While war raged in Europe, the peace of India was practically undisturbed. In the beginning of June 1795, a detachment of the 19th was employed in the capture of an insurgent Polygar chief, named Lunkia Naik, under the following circumstances. On the night of the 7th June, Lieutenant Oliphant, with a detachment of two native officers and twenty-two sepoys, surprised and captured Lunkia Naik, at Manapur, about twenty-four miles from Trichinopoly. The Chief’s retainers gathered to the rescue in large numbers, and attacked Oliphant, who had retired with his prisoner into a Choultry, where he defended himself for nine hours, repelling several assaults. The following morning, two troops of the 19th appeared, drove off the assailants, and brought Oliphant’s detachment back to Trichinopoly, with Lunkia Naik securely tied to a trooper.
Towards the end of 1796, the 25th Light Dragoons landed in Madras from England.
In his first regimental order to the regiment, when it was raised, Sir John Burgoyne took occasion to point out that service in India was “not less honourable than lucrative.” There could be no doubt on the latter point, so far as the senior officers were concerned. The advantages given to the King’s officers in point of rank over the Company’s officers, had the intended effect of throwing most of the chief commands into their hands, and the allowances that were granted in some cases, showed how strong a shake they were able to give to the “pagoda tree.” Lieutenant Colonel Stapleton Cotton (afterwards[102] Lord Combermere) in a letter from Madras in January 1797, wrote—
“As the command of a station is everything here ... I am very desirous of getting the rank of Colonel, which would ensure a command. An officer commanding at any station receives full batta, which, if a Colonel, is very considerable. I now only receive half batta, as a Lieutenant Colonel, and my King’s pay. On the Bengal establishment every officer receives full batta, and the Commanding Officer double full batta. A Bengal command is a sure fortune in five years. General Floyd is now (including his King’s pay as Major General and Lieutenant Colonel of the 19th Light Dragoons, his Company’s pay, and his allowance from the Company and the Nizam as Commandant of the Southern District) in the receipt of from £14,000 to £16,000.”
Events were in progress, that were, before long, destined to bring the British armies in India into the field again. British authority in India was menaced by French hostility in a peculiarly subtle and dangerous form. The memory of his defeats and losses in 1792, had long rankled in Tippoo’s mind, and his animosity against the English was inflamed by the numerous French officers in his employ, through whom he maintained informal relations with France. In Hyderabad, there was a fairly disciplined force of 14,000 infantry, with an adequate proportion of artillery, commanded by French officers in the Nizam’s service, who flew the tricolour flag, and were in secret correspondence with Tippoo. In upper India, Scindia’s disciplined battalions were also commanded by a French officer. Fortunately, the Mahrattas were at this time too much occupied with their own quarrels to meddle with affairs in the South. The news of French successes, under Bonaparte, induced Tippoo to believe that the time had arrived to strike a blow against the English.
In March 1796, he dispatched an embassy to Cabul, inviting Zeman Shah to invade India, conquer Delhi, and[103] join hands with him in destroying the British, the Portuguese, the Mahrattas, and the Nizam. In the following year, Tippoo despatched ambassadors to the Mauritius, proposing an offensive and defensive alliance against the English, and asking for a French force, which he engaged to pay and to furnish with all necessary supplies. But the Governor of the Mauritius had no troops to spare, and could only send under 100 men, among whom were several officers and artificers, who landed in India in April 1798. A few weeks later, Tippoo despatched an embassy to Paris. In May 1798, Lord Mornington, afterwards known as the Marquis of Wellesley, arrived in India to take up the office of Governor General, and Tippoo’s dealings with the French became known, a few days after his arrival. It was known also that a great French expedition was preparing in the Mediterranean, which was believed to be aimed at Egypt, as in fact it was. The times were critical, and demanded prompt action: the new Governor General was not the man to waste time, when action was required. The first move made by Lord Mornington was to break up the force at Hyderabad, which for the moment was the most dangerous factor in the situation. The Nizam and his ministers were loyal to the British alliance, but the French officers present had become possessed of so much influence, that the Hyderabad Government had lost control of them, while their arrogance and overbearing conduct filled the Nizam and his ministers with alarm. The Nizam therefore willingly entered into a Treaty engaging himself to get rid of his French officers, and to break up the formidable body they had created. By dexterous measures, and by taking advantage of a mutiny that occurred in the force, it was surrounded and disarmed without bloodshed, on 22nd October. One hundred and twenty-four French officers, whose lives were at the time in danger from their own men, were removed[104] and shipped off to Calcutta, and a serious danger successfully averted.[34] Four days before this occurrence, intelligence of the invasion of Egypt by Bonaparte reached Calcutta. Meanwhile, by way of precaution against a sudden blow from Tippoo, a force was collected at Wallajabad, among which was the 19th Light Dragoons, who marched from Trichinopoly at the beginning of August. From Wallajabad the regiment was moved to Madras; their muster roll, dated 20th September, shows that they were cantoned at the Mount on that date. The effective strength of the regiment, then present, was 361 of all ranks; of whom 12 were recruits recently received from England, and 30 were volunteers from the 12th, 19th, 73rd, and 74th Regiments. So valuable were European Cavalry, that on the bare prospect of war their numbers were at once filled up from the Infantry. The dispersal of the French Contingent at Hyderabad having been accomplished, Lord Mornington addressed Tippoo with regard to his dealings with the French Government. Preparations were at the same time made for an advance on Seringapatam from the Bombay coast, while the Madras forces assembled at Vellore. Tippoo’s replies were evasive. His object was to gain time, till the arrival of the expected French force. Delay was dangerous, and it was evident that further negotiations could lead to no good result, so, early in February 1799, the advance of the army was determined on. Meanwhile, Shah Zeman had reached Lahore, and, though he was unable to advance farther south, and was forced to return to Cabul, on account of his own territories[105] being invaded by Persia, his presence in the Punjab necessitated the preparation of a British force in the North, to hold him in check.
Up till this time the artillery of the British Army in India was entirely drawn by bullocks. An attempt to furnish artillery of greater mobility was now made. While the army lay at Vellore, an order was issued for attaching to each regiment of European dragoons and native Cavalry two 6 Pr. guns, in order to increase their independent action.
“The plan adopted by Government for attaching flying artillery to the cavalry corps having been communicated to the heads of regiments respectively, the Commander in Chief is now pleased to direct that the detail of European artillery and gun lascars to be attached to each regiment be sent to the several corps from the 1st and 2nd battalions of artillery agreeably to the following arrangements, viz: 1 Lieutenant Fireworker, 1 Serjeant, 1 Corporal, 1 Syrang, 2 Second Tindals and 20 Lascars for each regiment of European dragoons, and 1 Serjeant, 1 Gunner, 1 First Tindal, and 18 Lascars for each regiment of native Cavalry. (G.O.C.C. 13th January 1799).”[35]
Little mention of these guns is anywhere made during the ensuing campaign, though their efficiency on subsequent occasions is frequently mentioned. Thorn, the historian of the Mahratta War, writing four years later of the formation of the army under the Commander in Chief, says:—
“Among the different military improvements practised on these occasions, the use of the galloper guns was one of the most important, as afterwards appeared in the terror which they produced on the Mahratta horse. Two of these guns, of six pounders, were attached to each regiment; and nothing could exceed the celerity and exactness of the man?uvres made with them at full speed by this large body of cavalry &c. &c.”[36]
[106]
In spite of the good service done by the galloper guns on many occasions, difficulties as to their control in the field frequently arose, after the formation of a corps of artillery drawn by horses, in 1805, owing to their not having formed an integral part of the Regiment they were attached to.
At first the guns closely attended their regiment, in action, seconding its efforts with their fire when possible. In line of battle they were placed in pairs, in the intervals between different corps. After a time this system was discontinued, and the guns were brigaded together under command of a Cavalry officer, or they were brigaded with Artillery guns, in which case difficulties arose as to their command. In 1815, it was ordered that, whenever galloper guns were brigaded, they should be commanded by an Artillery officer. But complaints were made that the want of uniform training rendered them unfit to be brigaded with Horse Artillery guns, and they were finally abolished in May 1819.
The 19th Light Dragoons, taking their galloper guns with them, as well as t............
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